TWO 

SLAVERY. 

AND 

A BO L 1 T I O M 



cr Compiled for the special use of Anti-Slav cry Lecturers and 

Debaters, xfl 

0?" And intended for Public Reading. ^} 

Open thy mouth for the Ihmb Plead the cause of the Poor and Needy.- 

Proverbs xxxi 8, 9. 



Prove all things ; bold fast that which is good.— 1st Thessaloniam, v 21. 



And as he reasoned Felix trembled, ^c— Acts xxiv 25. 



BY CHARLES OliCOTT. 



i&assfUoii; tDlifo 

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 



2333* 



ADVERTISl^IEHTT. 



Inability to comply with several invitations, to lecture on the subjects of Slavery and Aboli- 
tion, umtod with a strong desire to contribute a share to the overthrow of Slavery, and the es- 
tablishment of "equal rights" every whore, suggested the project of publishing the' arguments I 
have usually employed for those purposes, in the form of Lectures, intended for the special use 
of Jntl-Slavery Lecturers and Debaters. Could I be instrumental in preparing, perhaps thousands 
of such agents, the sphere of my usefulness would, necessarily, he greatly enlarged. The cause 
requires the aid of Lecturers, qualified at home, in all parts of the country : 1 humbly hope that 
this effect yv.1I, to a considerable extent, be actually produced by the publication : and lor that 
special purpose I recommend it to the public. For, notwithstanding the imperfections of the 
performance, if the arguments contained in it, and the references to sustain them, be profoundly 
studud the proposed lecturer or debater may, I think, by adding thereto the arguments of oth- 
ers and the fruit of h,s own reflections, soon equip himself for the great moral combat now ra- 
ging, in any circumstances, where intellectual skill is permitted fully to exert itself Even 
without such preparations, simple reading of the Lectures will, in general, produce an excel- 
lent effect: for the arguments they contain can never be refuted to the satisfaotioa o," a ,v i ,. 
telhgent audience. And though individual hearers may not have sufficient candor to acknowl- 
edge their convictions, their conduct will testify that the arrow is fixed in their consci. 
never to be withdrawn. Even infidel hearers will be converted, to at least on. dor; 



Christianity; and no intelligent person will ever rise, from their attentive and candid perusal 
without the congest conviction of the truth and justice of anti-slaverv principles and practice 
It will have this effect, I presume, even on slaveholders. I feel fully warranted in makini 
; se declarations, from personal observation, of the effects of the mere reading of the Lee 



Hires, on mixed audiences of advocates and opposers of Abolition. 

The reason of annexing so many Scripture references, was to give a full exhibition of the 
Spirit of the Scr.ptures, ,n relation to Human Oppression, and its opposite, Abolition I have 
been long impressed with the truth and importance of Mrs. Child's opinion, that W( 
never to trust to any thing but this spirit, (that is, the general and collective meaning of The 
benptures,) for the derivation of Chrisiian doctrines and principles. I do not pretend I 
erences are all equally pertinent to prove the various doctrines stated ; but I think that a critical 
investigation will satisfy every candid reader, fhat most of them are peculiarly aopropriate for 
the objects .mended. And I have purposely omitted quoting the xoords of the references in or- 
der .0 compel the readers to examine for themselves,— ,hicb. they are earnest!;. 

* J l l M CaS '° n ' !iUc i wiso i afrordcd ™™ "cellent opportunity for displaying the wondei 

..* and harmony ,n doctrine of all parts of the Scriptures, in relation to the great doctrines 

treated of; tnis purity and harmony of those Books being to me a strong proof of their Divinr 

origin They exhibit the perfection of the morality of the Bii>le,-and how far they ar. 

oein j/,,^ deVc]oped ln this publication, the use of a good Concordance .— I I 

soon discover. The complete harmony of the Scriptures. in pecepl and example, . 

aeserving of further research : and much of such research will indeed be necessary, (o 

comp.ishcd lecturer. I am sensible of the defects of the Lectures ; and, though tl 

rcenta under winch they were compiled maj apologize for a part of «,ose defects, I 

ware that much profitable , dded t0 :he work Th 

may profitably do, by pasting slips of paper by the edges, between the leave* of th 



containing memoranda of additional arguments and references. And, with such assistance, I 
hope the Lectures will prove the most useful Vade Mecum to anti-slavery Lecturers and Deba- 
ters that has been publisher. They are written in the plainest style, which renders them ea- 
sily intelligible to the smallest capacity. On no subject does there seem to bo mere ignor- 
ance and error in the United States, than upon that of human Rights, especially on their origin 
and inalienable nature. With a view, also, to enlighten and disabuse the public mind, in re- 
lation to these great and vital doctrines, this publication is issued. Those who receive copies 
are requested to circulate them into the possession of such persons as are willing and desirous 
to prepare themselves for lecturing and debating on the great subjects they treat of. And the 
holders of copies are respectfully requested, to take the trouble to sew stout covers on them, 
writing the title on the covers ; for by so doing, they may be preserved for a long time. 

It seems proper to add, that the expenses of the publication and its distribution, have been 
principally defrayed by the liberal contributions of abolitionists and others in Medina county, 
whose example will I hope, be extensively and liberally followed. 

a o. 

Medina, Ohio, July, 1837. 



t,e«ture First, 



S L A V E K \ 



TIIE object of the l^irst of these Lectures is to prove, that Slavery ia as great a crime a- 
gainstthe Law of Gorl, as murder, or any other crime ; and that it is, also, a great crime a • 
gainst the Common Law. The object of the Second Lecture is to prove, that the immediate 
abolition of Slavery, is not only a just and righteous measure, but is at all times, and under 
all circumstances, perfectly safe and greatly beneficial to all persona or parlies concerned 01 
interested therein, and that it is tho only kind of sale Abolition. 

It has been truly said, that "to reach the heart wo must begin ai tli ! head"— that is, to en- 
list the sympathies, engage the affections, and command tho will, we must first convince the 
understanding. In order to convert wo must first convict. This is, also, tho true Scriptural 
method — vide Luke ii. 46, Acts ix. 22, xviii. 28, xxiv. 25. With the sole view to produce this 
happy result, the following Lectures will consist almost entirely of a series of arguments. 

By way of introduction to tho main subject of this lecture, which is to prove that Slavery is 
a great Sin, I will remark, that wo may leadily know Slavery to be a great crime or sin, be- 
cause nothing but crimes can support tho practice of it. No person can support slavish op; res- 
sion ten minuter without breaking the moral law. A man cannot stir, or move, or begin to act, ei- 
ther in support of slavery, or in opposition to its immediate abolition, without committing 
crimes or sins of some sort or oiher. If he does not proceed to the use of open violence and 
illegal force for that purposo, he ia yet compelled to resort to falsehood, sophistry and slander; 
to either tho one or the other, even if ho does nothing at all, ho is guilty of a criminal silence, 
which is a groat sin of omission. And, according to the Scriptures, sins of omission t or the 
breach of positive commands, are as great as those of commission, or the breach of negative 
commands — vide Kxodus xxi, 29, Deut. sxviii 15, 63, Pro v. i, 24, 29 I liah lvi 10, ll, Matt. 
xxv, 24, 29, Heb. ii, 3, xii,25, and a hundred other passages equally plain. Many affect lo be 
neutral in the great abolition conteBt ; but the Scriptures inform us the: \s is n,> such thing as 
neutrality in such a contest — vide Matthew xii, 30. It is also easy to show, as I shall soon 
attempt to, ; that slavery has from first to last, been supported directly and solely by crimes, and 
that '.lie commission of nearly every crime in the Bible calendar, and many crimes against the 
common law, are absolutely necessary to support it and give it full effect. It is a fact equally 
curious and 'rue, as anyone may be convinced by reflection, that crime of any kind can only 
be supported by crime ; and that in order to persevere in the commission of one crim •. and 
nt its detection and punishment, it is necessary to commit stiii furtiier crimes. To know, 
''' w ' ither a practice is sinful or not, we have usually only to enquire, whether crimes are 
3 support; and where a practice like slavery, re-mires the aid of all other crimes 
ary support, we may be certain that it is one of the worst of crimes and £.• 



6 

ol sins. In the pungent language of John Wesley, it must be "th« execrable sum of all villa- 
nics.' 1 

Slavery is declared by its enemies to be a sin. In order then to understand its true nature 
clearly, wo must determine in the first place what Sin is. Sin is defined, in the Scriptures, 
to be a 'transgression or broach of law.' — vide 1st John lit, 4. Law must, therefore, first exist 
lo be broken, otherwise sin cannot exist. For as the apostle Paul justly argues, 'where no law 
is there is no transgression,' or sin— vide Rom. iv, 15, iii, 20. 

When a law of any description is broken, it is said to be sinned against. The breach of ti- 
ny good law, whether Divine or human, always incurs moral if not legal guilt. The breach of 
the Law of God, as it is called, incurs the highest moral guilt of which intelligent beings are 
capable. As the law of a country is the will of its legislature, so the Law of God is the will 
of God revealed to his intelligent creatures ; which they are under the highest of obligations to 
obey, and for the least breach of which men are accountable. — vido Dcui. xxvii, 6, Matt, v, 
19, James ii 10. 1 propose now to show that human slavery is one of the greatest of sins or 
transgressions of the Law of God, incurs the highest consequent guilt, and subjects the trans- 
gressor to the heaviest Divine retribution. 

The Law of God is discovered from two sources— His Word and His Works. The former 
is sometimes called the reveal'.d or written Law of God, or Law of Revelation ; the other is cal- 
lod the unwritten Law of God, or Law of Nature. The Law of Revelation, is that great col- 
lection of commands, precepts and examples, given by God to man, by express revelation, as 
rules for his religious and moral conduct. It is contained in the Bible, the various books com- 
posing which are authenticated as the word of God, by far better evidence than any other an- 
cient books whatever. The Law of Nature is wholly discovered in the phenomena of nature, - 
animate and inanimate, around us. The perfect harmony of these two great laws, shows the 
identity of their origin ; and their perfect excellence is tested by their invariable tendency, 
when obeyed, to produce perfect happiness. These tico maks in reality, but or.o law, called the 
Law of God. Against this Law thus discovered, Human Slavery is one of the greatest of 
crimes. To show this fact clearly, it is necessary to define Slavery itself. To understand 
the nature and tendency of Slavery, we ;nu«t understand the system or principle of it. 

Slavery has two definitions, the direct and indirect. The first, or direct, definition is, the 
total deprivation or all human rights. The other, or indirect, definition is, the redu- 
cing OF HUMAN BEINGS TO THE CONDITION OF BRUTFS, who have tlO lights, or, THE MAKING OF 

human beings to recome property, as goods and chattels, transferable as articles of merchan- 
dise. Either definition will answer for the purposes of argument, though the first or direct de- 
finition is to be preferred. But to understand this definition clearly : it is also necessary to de- 
fine Human Rights. 

A Right is defined to be, a privilege or liberty of doing, being, possessing, using - , or suffer- 
ing something, without the interference, molestation, or hindrance of our fellow men. Thus, 
for example, there is the Right to be secure in our persons, called the right of Personal Stcuri- 
ty ; the Right to go, or travel and return, when, where, and as we please, called the right ot 
Personal Liberty ; and the Right to hare, procure, possess, enjoy and dispose of, as our own ex-, 
clusively, all sorts of material objects or Substances, except each other, called the right of Pri- 
vate Property. These are the three great, absolute, natural Rights, of which all the rest are 
mere auxiliaries or appendages. And these, I say, are the gilt of God to every human being, 
plainly granted lo him, both in the Law of Revelation and in the Law of Naturft; or by the 
express and implied will of God. Thn word 'right/ applied in its modern sense, as the gift of 
the Almighty to his intelligent creatures, is not often used in the Bible; yet sufficiently often 
to prove the proposition directly, that Rights arc the gift of God, to all the human Fpecies, — 
Deut. xxi, 17, Ruth ii, 20, iv, 6, 1st Kings viii, 45, 2d Chron. vi, 35, 39, Job .\x\iv. C, 17, xxxvi, 
6, Ps. ix, -1, xvii, 1, cxl, 12, Prov. xvi, 8, Isaiah x, 2. Jer. v, 28, xvii, 1!. xxxii, 7. 8; Lam. 
ni, 35; Eze. xxii 29, Amos v 12, Mai. iii 5 ; anj several other passages. But the casHVl an3 
plainest method of demonstrating that the Law of Revelation grants and guarantees, the na- 
tural end aH other just rights to ?!l mankind, is by showing indir&tly, that the vj ' 
enjoined on us in II \ cannot be properly performed at all, without the complete 



possession and enjoyment of these Rights. The gift will thus ap?*«r, from expie.s 
bv nwworjj Implication. It is well observed by Dr. Gbanning, that Duties and R \ 
eiprocal ; that is, whatever it is r.:s<]u our Duty to do, we have, and must have, a corres- 
ponding Right to do ; and vice versa, whatever wo have a Right to do, it must be our Duty to 
do. Common sense intuitively perceives the truth of this great maxim. It would be the high- 
eat impiety and absurdity to believe that our Croator has issued contradictory commands ; <» 
on hi, the performance of which He intended to be impossible, nu- 
gatory and vain, that we should have" HO right to perform. God never docs any thing IA 
vain,— vide Ps. cxi 7, Isa.xlv IS, li G, lv 11, Jer. xxxi 35, 36, Eaa. vi 10, Mat', r. '20, xxiv 35, 
Luke xii G, Rom. ii 2, iv 1G. 2d Tim. ii 19, and various other passages. God is, also, no res 
pectcr of persons,— vide Deut. i 17, xvi 19, 2d Sam. xiv 14, 2d Chro J. six 7, Job xxxiv 19, 
Prov. xxiv C3, xxviii 21, Acts x 34. Rom. ii 11, Gal. ii G, Eph. vi 9, Col. ii i 17, 

James ii 1, 9. He has made it our Duty to obey all his command.:,— vide Dout. xxvii 20, xx- 
viii 1, Ps. cxix 96, Jcr. xi 3, 1, Matt, v 18, 19, Luko xvi 17, Gal. iii 10, James ii 10, 1st Pet. 
i 25. It follows therefore, cf course, that we liavo a corresponding Right to, oboy them all, to 
their full extent md spirit, and io the use of all the means necessary to enable us to obey 
them, the natural Rights with the rest. And as the Scriptures make no exception of any part 
of mankind, expressly declaring that 'God is no respecter of persons, (vido ante.) it follows 
clearly that He has given all these rights to all human beings equally, as their inheritance or 
property, and that they i.a":"-t, therefore, bo taken from them witliout crime, except uport 
forfeiture 1 6tj crime ; otherwise all tho Bible commands might be rendered ineffectual and vain, 
by lawful human agcttcy, which is absurd : for if men can have a right to enslave each other, 
they must necessarily have bright to prohibit each other from obeying the commands ol 
which i3 most absurd. Tho rights of men would lawfully conflict with obedience to the 
laws of God, which is an impious supposition. It would give to man the right to annul the 
law of God, (as all slaveholders do) which is a most impious absurdity. 

All tho natural rights being necessary to enable mankind to obey the commands of God, 
they arc thus clearly demonstrated, to be His gift to all mankind. This gift h one of His un 
alterable laws, and r.o man or body of men can lawfully infringe it, except as n punishment 
for tho commission of crime, which exception is mado by the Law of God itself. Thus is it de- 
monstrated in the clearest manner, that all men have a right vested in them by their Creator, 
to obey all hrs commands. And if any of tha laws or customs of men, directly or indirectly, 
prohibit or infringe this right, they are in the sight of God null and void. The holy prophet! 
and apostles and other saints, uniformly treated them as such, — vide Ex. i 17, Josh, xxiv 15, 
1st Kings xviii 21, Est. iii 2, 5, Dan. iii 4, 5, 12, 16, 17, vi 7, 10, 13, Malt, vi 21, Acts iv 19, 
v 29, and other passages. .Such blasphemous laws and customs, are an impious interference 
with the prerogatives and supremacy of Jehovah. God alone can lawfully own manl vid 

Ezc. xviii 4. The holy martyrs were all persecuted for breaches of such laws. Had they dis- 
obcyod the laws of God, by yielding obedience to them, their lives and safely would have been 
secured. As particular statutes of a State, made in opposition to its constitution, are void, BO 
all human la^s and customs, and constitutions, made in derogation of the Law of God, are in 
His sight Utterly vain, and without any moral obligation. For this reason it is the abolition 
ists have proclaimed, that before God all the laws and customs of slavery aro null a- 
They are valid only in the corrupt irmtiment of wicked, impious men, as all other wicked laws 
only arc. They have no moral or religious obligation whatever , their only binding authority 
being wicked force and violence; or, as it is sometimes called, 'the right of the Mr 
whoso 'might makes their right' only, which is always an eternal wrong. The wieked laws and 
customs of tyrants, pirates, robbers, heathens and savages, have no other or greater validity.— 
^... unjust wicked law or custom, introduced to legalize cm. , 

and instead of justifying nets done by its authority, before God, increases their moral emit and 
risibility. Such corrupt laws and customs are national sins, and merit national punwh- 
men;. Union in wickedness or community in crime is excessively sinful — vide Ps. xxxiii 3, 5, 
Prov. i li), 1C, Isa.xxviii 13, Jer. v 25, 29, xi, 19, 20, Ese. xxx 6, xxxv, 15. Oba. 10, 15, and 
many other pass..^ 



b 

Human slavery, directly or indirectly, interferes with, disturbs, hinders, interrupts or prohi- 
bits, the performance of every one of the duties enjoined on mankind by the express commands 
of the Almighty. If any ono, who well understands tho nature and operation of slavery, doubts 
(he truth of this surprising declaration, iet him take up the Bible, examine the long list of the 
Divine commands and precepts contained in that Book, and reflect if it be possible for slaves, 
fettered, cramped and ignorant as they are, to obey one of these commands in its full spirit & 
extent. I say they cannot ; and that every can jid person may be convinced of the awful fact, 
by a candid and careful examination. Let any such person ask himself for instance, how it is 
possible for any slave to obey the commands contained in the following passages, either in the'r 
letter or spirit— Rom. "xii 19, Eph. v 2, 3, 4, 22, 25, vi 1, 4, 9, 2d Pet. ii 12, 17, 18, 2."., iii 1, 
8,9. These are referred to merely as specimens. Surely no slave can practice any of these 
commands at all, in the spirit of their requirements ; not only for want of free agency, but on 
account of ihe manifold temptations and provocations, by which he is beset, and at all times 
surrounded. Special grace must be nocessary to enable a slave to obey any of these com- 
mands. The most perfect free agency is necessary, to enable the subjects of God's commands, 
to yield perfect obedience to them. The candid inquirer will also recollect, that slaves are 
purposely kept in the greatest possible ignorance of the Bible and its contents ; they could 
not be kept a* slaves, if they were not ; and that their natural passions and appetites sel- 
dom receive any .voluntary check <r control. Temporal bondage necessarily produces spiritual 
slavery. It must be near a miracle for slaves to obey any Divine commands. Under such cir- 
cumstances, there can be no doubt but God will 'wink at' the fins of the poor slaves; but their 
wretched masters cannot reasonably expect any tiling else but 'a certain tearful looking for,' — 
vide Prow xxiv 1, Luke xii 17, 48, Heb. x 27, &c. 

Let us illustrate the case, by a few more examples. Honor and reverence to parents is a 
plain Divine command, obligatory on all the children in the world — (vide ante.) — So is the pro- 
tection and instruction of their children, on all parents — vide Prov. xxii 6, Eph. \i 4 1st Tim. v 
8, 2d Tim. iii 14, 15. Now as neither slave parents nor children have any rights at all, they 
being merely goods and chattels, it is impossible they should obey these positive injunctions. 
According to the laws and customs of slavery, slave parents have no rights or duties at all, o- 
ver or in relation to their children ; nor have the children any rights or duties in relation to their 
parents — and they, accordingly, seldom exercise, or attempt to exercise, any such rights or du- 
ties. They are usually sold and separated from each other forever. So husbands and wives 
are positively commanded to live and cohabit together, and discharge all the duties of that en- 
dearing relation — vide 1st Cor. vii 3, 5. But slavery wholly forbids the right and practice of 
,e to the slaves, and compels them as it were, to break the law of God, by living in un- 
lawful and frequently promiscuous concubinage, — vide 1st Cor. vi 13, and several other passa- 
ges of similar import. So the duties of citizens, neighbors, friends, <$-c. are all positively en- 
joined, — vide Ex. xx 16, Lev. xix 13, 15, IS, Luke x 29, 37, Rom. xii 10, 13, 20, xiii 10. xv 2, 
Eph. ii 19. lint slaves have none of the rights attending these relations. It has been solemn- 
ly and repeatedly decided, by the highest judicial authority, in the slave states, that slaves are 
mere 'goods and chattels,' (vide Stroud); and their treatment in all respects, so far as it is pos- 
sible to reduce humanity to that condition, corresponds in those states, with these infamous de- 
cisions. Nor, situated as they are, could they fulfil these duties, even if they had the nomin- 
al right to. In the eye of slave laws and customs, they have no rights at all, any more than 
beasts ; and these have no rights or duties prescribed by any law. How then can they practice 
duties to which they have no right ? 'Search the Scriptures,' (vide John v 39, and other pas- 
| is another plain command, obligatory on all mankind. But slavery utterly prohibits 
the slaves from obeying it. No slave is permitted to learn to read, under the severest penal- 
ties ; nor is any one permitted to instruct him in reading, under similar penalties — vide Stroud's 
Sketch. Lit one example more suffice. "W e arc positively commanded to 'Prove all things; 
hold fast lhat which is good-.-vide 1st Thess. v 21. Now it is impossible for any man to obey 
this command, either in its It t W or spirit, unless he has the possession and use of all his nat- 
ural rights, Personal Security, Personal Liberty and Private Property, in their fullest extent ; 
that is, unless he is a fn>e moral agent. Slavery, therefore, effectually prohibits the slaves 



t'rom obeying it at nil Such criminal prohibitions of positive chtistian dutie?, are among the 
greatest of sins against the law of God— vide Ex. iii 9, v (J, 7, vi 5, G, Dent, xxiv 4, Ps. xeiv 
20, Isa. iii 12—15, v 18, 20, ix lb", 17, x 1, xix 14, Luke xi 57, 1st Tim. iv 3, and many 
other passages. 

As has been said, it has been repeatedly decided, by the highest judicial authorities in the 
slave states, that slaves are, to all intents, conslructions and purposes, goods and chattel* 
personal, and that they cannot own, possess, or acquire any thing, but what belongs to linn 
owners, (vide Stroud) ; thus placing them on a level with brutes. This is the highest judicial 
blasphemy and impiety ; but see the effect of it. Goods and chattels have no rights ; there- 
fore slaves havo none, not even to worship their Maker and obey his commands ! One would 
hope in a republican country, to find moral integrity on the judicial bench. But so complete- 
ly has slavish corruption poisoned every part of society in the slave states, that the Bench 
and the Bar are fully contaminated. Justice to slaves is a solemn mockery in those States. 

I will candidly admit, that some few slaves who havo what arc called humane masters, are 
allowed some few poor scanty privileges, which they enjoy, not from the license and protec- 
tion of the law, but from the sufleranco and humanity of their masters. For no master is 
obliged by law to allow his slaves any privileges, any more than he is his horses and cattle ; 
and in tact most of them do not allow their slaves ns many. The few laws made for tho pre- 
vention of excessive slave cruelties are seldom enforced in practice ; the tyrants taking care 
to perpetrate such cruelties only in the sight of slaves, who have no right to testily against 
them. These laws are for the most part, practically, a dead letter. Such also is the fear of 
the power and malice of the tyrants, that none dare enforce them, even if they have *he op- 
portunity and proof. 

As might be expected from such a state of things, the general treatment of most slaves is 
cruel and barbarous in the extreme, as has been proven a thousand times river. 'Cruelty' 
says an eye witness, 'is almost invariably the rule, and kindness the exception.' This cruelty 
extends to every particular of their treatment ; cruelty in their food and clothing ; cruelty in 
their lodging and habitations ; cruelty in their labor and rest ; cruelty in their punishments 
and suife rings ; cruelty in their deprivation of liberty ; cruelty in their deprivation of all litera- 
ry knowledge, especially the knowledge of their duty ; cruelty in their sale and separation 
from each other; cruelty in their deprivation of all comfort and hope ; cruelty in every thing 
relating to the practice of slavery. It is all a complicated mass of constant, remorseless, un- 
P'tying crnelty. It is unnecessary to detail particular cases of cruelty, to illustrate a case so 
plain and well known. Slavery is more bloody, cruel and barbarous in christian America, 
than it was in heathen Greece and Borne, as a comparison of the slave customs and practice 
of the three Countries will prove. We are frequently shocked at the recital of barbarian 
cruelties. But none such ever equalled the habitual cruelties of American republican, christian 
slavery ! 

The whole system of slavery is a system of constant, necessary cruelty ; lor without the 0S6 
of constant cruelty it could not exist. Nothing can bo more repugnant to tho whole spirit 
and genius of the Law of God, than this whole infernal system is, — vide Ex. xxii 21, xxiii '.» 
Lev. xix 13, Judg. x 11, 12, Job xxvii 13, <$-c, Ps. i.xxii 4, Isa. xiv 2, xix ?<>, Mir. ii 1 — 3. 
Zech. vii 9—14, Mai. ii 5, iii 5, a.id a thousand other passages of Scripture. The Bible over- 
flows as it wore, with denunciations of the sin of Soman Oppression, and with threats of its 
severest punishment. Scarcely a page of the Sacred Volume can be turned, but what con- 
tains something- condemnatory of this great sin. This repetition of denunciation was douhtlesi 
intentional, because men who from their circumstances in life have the power, ore so very apt 
to commit it. 

Nor is the necessary tendency of slavery less destructive to the morals and happiness ol 
the masters, than to those of the slaves. The support of slavery renders crime necessary. — 
Besides, the power which slavery confeis on the masters, constantly exposes them to vicious 
temptations. The propriety of Agur's requests, (vide Prov. xxx 8, «<-c.,) and the Scriptural 
precepts respecting temptations, (vide Matt, vi 13, 1st Cor. x 13, 2d Pet. ii 9, &c.,) were 
more strong/)/ exemplified.than by the necessary tendency of slavery on slave master?. Slave hold 



10 

mi ate the most vicious people in the world. Their moral sense is bo blunted and theii| con- 
sciences so 'seared' and hardened, that they distort and pervert every good precept and prac 
tice, to support their habitual indnlgence in crime. Most sins that with other men are occa 
•ional, are with them habitual. It would eeem as if there was no vice from which they are 
exempt. These awful results are the fruit of the habitual and necessary cruelty and other vi- 
ces of slavery. It is impossible that slaveholders should be otherwise than habitually and in- 
corrigibly vicious and criminal. A person would be as likely to grow up with virtuous habits 
in a 'brothel, as on a slave plantation or in a slave neighborhood, vide Prov, vi 27, 23. 

Slavery makes all men eng-aged in the practice of it cruel towards each other. It is [he 
parent of proud cruel tempers and dispositions. Slaveholders are in general, excessivelj 
hard hearted towards poor whites, whether strangers or neighbors. Slave captains are fre- 
quently monsters of cruelty. The ferocious treatment slaveholders frequently manifest to- 
wards each other, is the genuine fruit of slavery. Their boasted hospitality is nothing bur 
ostentatious liberality, exhibited to gratify their vanity and pride. Their pretended piety ie 
wholly fictitious, being nothing but the 'form of godliness' without the reality— -vide 2d Tim. 
iii 5. Like other aristocrat?, ihey have no 'bowels of compassion' for the poor, no a 
for the welfare of any bu< aristocrats like themselves ; and so far as iheir posver exlend 
oppress all below them in the scale of society, whether slaves or freemen. Perhaps men are 
pvone to commit no sin with greater certainty, than the oppression of each other. We sec 
this tendency exhibited every where in every slate of society. Men love to live in ease and 
splendor on each others earnings. Hence the origin of monopolies, speculation, high rents, 
usury, and the other innumerable means used to 'grind t',.e laces of the poor' and extort their 
services, for the least possible compensation. The?e facts show that colour lias no relation 
to slavish oppression. Men oppress each other in all cases, without reference to it, so 
far as they have the power. This is the reason why the Bible always takes sides with 
the poor against their oppressors, denouncing the severest punishments against the latter. 

It has been said that it is impossible slave cruellies should be so great as is pretended, be- 
cause the slaves increase so much faster than their white neighbors. B;it in their rclaiive 
circumstances, the two facts arc perfectly consistent with eii,:h other. The cause of this 
iuperiority of increase is, that the slaves are healthier than their masters. Indolence and dis- 
sipation enervate the slaveholders, and greatly retard their natural increase. Idleness, dissi- 
pation and debauchery prematurely destroy the masters, as cruelty does the slaves. Yet the 
latter are so much healthier than the former that they increase much faster; so much so, that 
they must in a few years become the most numerous class. But owing to the foregoing causes, 
both races in the slave states increase much slower than their northern brethren. 

Such being the invariable effects of slavery, it may not be amiss to give a passing notice to 
the base pretence so frequently made, of the happiness and contentment of slaves! Nothing 
but the peculiar hardihood in crime produced by the practice ot slavery would ever have 
forged this falsehood, contradicted as it is by every spi nee both of friends and foes. 

Yet it is frequently uttered while the newspapers are crowded with advertisements of runaway 
slaves, and while such is the dread of slave insurrections, helpless as the slaves are, that the 
slaveholders live in constant fear of thein, sleeping with loaded arms at their bed posts, whilo 
guards and patrols are scouring the country in all directions. Such guilty fears of deserved 
retribution are the just punishment of all tyrants. Each plantation is carefully watched, and 
the severest regulations every where ad<> pled to prevent the slaves from leaving the planta- 
tions, and the most terrible punishments inflicted for imy breach of them. Runaways are 
punished with the most horrid crutlties ; notwithstanding which they sometimes escape, or 
prefer death to the iron bondage they a-ie doomed to suffer on their return. Upwards of ten 
thousand have escaped to Canada through every danger and extremely of suffering. In the 
West Indies, several thousands have attempted to escape from the slave to the free islands, 
the majority of whom perished in the waves. With such evidence to the contrary and masses 
more that might be adduced, nothing I say but the peculiar hardihood in sin produced by slave- 
ry, could ever have set up and supported this lying pretence. 

But if (he pret«nce be become^ of the pretence of danger from Aboution ! 



11 

V.'tit the slaves love their masters any (he less ufter abolition than thay did before ! Or mil 
abolition change their natures, and convert them from friends into foei to their former owners 7 
wlH they become so enraged at the evils of emancipation, as contrasted with the 'happiness' 
a»d benefits of slavery, ns to turn round and destroy their old slave benefactors ! Let lb.OM 
wfio arc acquainted with thd effects of all past sluvc emancipations answer these inquiries. 

It is customary with the advocates of slavery and the opposers of abolition when pressed 
i i ument, to fly from out; 'refuge of lies' to another, (a- great sin ; vide [sa, nxviii 1 J--J7 ) ■ 
af.d the las! criminal 'refuge' to which they all resort fur the most criminal of all imposes 
(tire justification of crime,) is the perversion of a few texts extracted from the ( a. I and 
l'€staments, (Gen. xii 5, xiv 14, ?:\h 12, 13,23, 27, Ex. xxi 6, 21, Lev. xxv 44-46 Eph. v: S 
1U Tim. vi 1, and a few others), which they contend, justify the highest degree of Human 
Oppression which man is capable of inflicting on his fellow man, slavery ! They pretend that 
God kimstlf did in some cases establish slavery by law over innocent persons, and has thcrebv 
e in the United States and other Slave countries; tints making the Al". 
mighty the author oi a practice that annuls al! lights whatever, even that of ol^ ins B 
com;n»nds ! They assert that a practice which requires for its necessary support the aid of 
almos. crime denounced in tl is declared by the general 

consent of civilized nations to be piracy when exercised on the high ne institution 

expressly enacted iti the Law ol God ! This pretence was first set up by christian professors, 
;,.« conduct of such professors has thrown more discredit on Christianity, than all the 
Arguments that have ever been used against it. And ware the pretence true, tt would make 
more skeptics and infidels than all other means put together. Ye', there are great bod ; r-s 
of prifessing christians r.ho pretend i" believe in such blasphemy. 

But as I have elsewhere shown that slavery prohibits obedience to all the Divine commands, 
il >•■■ t »sarily follows, that such a i f the texts refered to as makes them support 

the abomination, must be a base perversion of their true meaning; or elsetho word of God 
tradicts and nullifies il elf! vide Rom. vii, 7,— is, 14. L is impious to suppose that the Al- 
mighty Ivould nullity II;- own laws; thati--, that tie would make one '.av. I .Moth- 
er, vide 'f.'u.-nb. xxxii, 23,— Ps. xix, 7,— cxi, 7. As slavery necessarily requires and produces 
the comhttission of fill or . d would never have indirectly licensed them at the 
forbade them by law. It is a universal rule of construction that 
fac! 1 parti' ' ; shall be so construed wherever construction is necessarv, as to 

not with the letter, of all the other parts; vide 1 Blac 
Com. 61, SB. Such a construction of those taxts therefore, as makes them contradict and 
render vain and ineffectual all the other rules of the Law of God, and outrage the whole spirit, 
reason and genius of the rest of the Bible, must be of course a base and blasphemous per- 
version , and those who have forged it must have wholly neglected all sound rules of con- 
struction, «s well as 111 it of the Scriptures. 

Let usfeive these ; a critical examination and comparison with the rest i I 

liscover their Irue meaning. It would be premature to say 
there is *o need of construction in because the translation is perfect and the word's 

are too [Main to a Imil of construction. The persons described in some of the disputed texts 
as being in servitude are called (by mistral mts', 'bond men* , 'bond-maids' Src. 

■ roperty, it by no means follows. t| • 
they me said to be • . cause in some Bense and d 

all servants whatever are bound. Zs'or . sarily follow that because some of them 

were '6<| "s without their own consent as 

all real slaves are. It is also aoo 1 Blac. Com 

that where \ part of a law is dubious in its meaning, li. , ;irc , t w j (n lni 

Uxl or other parts of the law, or . -, ; or made for the 

purposes, fc'uch a comparison fairly made in thi , easily removes all tbe seeming 

repugnancy and difficulty attendiu 

It is well known thai as the same words and phrases in the earoe language frequentlj ' 

■ . ■ ' >a different languagi t ent mean. 



(2 



»gs; and also Mi the meamng of the same words in the same language frequently afeff 
w.tb the lapse of t.me Nothing is more common than such differences and alterations as all 
J.ngu.st. and classical scholars well know. Thus the phrase 'bought' or 'bondservant may 
have a very different meaning in the ancient Hebrew and modern English languages, corres 
ponrfmc w,ih the d.fferont customs and usages of the two countries ; or even a client mean- 
ng and legal effect m anc.ent Israel and the heathen nations by winch thev were surrounded. 
It is easy o discover the degree of the servitude to which the 'bond' servants of any country 
are subjected by studying the treatment prescribed for them by the laws of the country, such 
laws bcng.tran.cr.pt of the national will. If this treatment be slav.sh as in the slave states 
ofthi, country, the presumption is they are slaves ; if otherwise, the presumption is they are 
^T y J\Tr lB ' ZT m ° de8 ' ° bjeCtS Snd "^ ° f "-Purchases and sales JZ, 

££l\ f \' } may ^^ bee " W ' differeDt "' aU ' hese difft ' reilt co » nt » es > i" — 
cent Israe and modern America for instance. 'Bond servants' may be slaves. But we have 

no reason o suppose those ID ancient Israel were slaves, because 'bond service' is described in 

the context as a spec.es of tribute-vide 1st Kings ix 20-22, 2d Chron. viii 7, 8, 9 Ezra ix 9 

^dlsZS? 11 ; dman^ others t bat may be cited, prove, that the 'bond servants' spoken of 

Ini cha f , l n gt T" *""" tenalU8 °' ttib «™*> bUt " 0t ^^ P»P«J « 'goods 

and chattels personal' as the perversions maintain. Besides, the regulations made for the 

ni of t l . r r servants ' show that they coum not ha - ^ -»«« » «■>, 

A m s of other ..m.Iar companion, may be made to the same effect. And the friends of the 
equahty of Human Rights, unwilling to construe the Law of God in such a manner as to 

S£ ofTo'n ,' "' ' r drCnder ^ ° Perati ° n m,ga, °^ and - in - « ec1 ^ ^at whatever tie 
effect of thepract.ee of buying and selling men among the Hebrew, was, it could m, have 

struct™^ toll i T r dUCed ^ AmenCan S,aVe ^ Th * deC ' are SUCh a P-er* - 
struction to be open blasphemy. 

We are ourselves familiar by report, with certain transactions, called in common parlance 

sane monTv' W " TT T'™ * "" ( " * ' S ^ > ,0 ° r f ° rel ^ er3 "> P a * «*' P" 1 
sage money. Tn.s ,s done by the passengers themselves, who being too poor to pay money 

agree with the sh.p owners to sell or contract their time and labor on their arrival in thi 

ZtuiVZZZfS l0 p , ay ,heir passage mo3ey - So pau p ers a - ■««*"■ *< o 

be «W to the lowest bidder, that ,s, their support and maintenance are sold. So venal 

fntenT 7n Z™"™ T^^ "* » "" them9e,VeS ; ^ »' to se » < h - votes and 
. WH , , ., C ," M n ° b0dy 8UPP ° SeS th6 P 6 " 009 ,Uentioncd t0 b « sold ^ t»»ird persons 
a goods and chattels', « 8 slaves. The sales are not in reality of men though so called, but 
of labor, maintenance and influence, and generally for humane, just and good purposes A 
critical comparison of the disputed texts with the context also shows, that he saUe of men 
mennoned therein were for similar purposes, and were attended with 'a similar eSpt 
wm!h f? U f, " T ° r"' 13363 '"' SaleS 3nd "***1*"»° of people in the Scripture,, 
«iv 1 > , 2 r 6 : ° ir ° bJeCla C ° Uld n0t haV ° b6Cn ° f sl — .-vide Gen. xsi* 15-29 

S iJ T A \f' J 1 ',^" 1? ' XXXiV 2 °' LeV " XXVH 2 ~ 8 ' Numb - "Hi '5, 16, Deut.xx, 
28 29 Judg. , 12 13, Ruth iv 10, 1st Sam. xviii 25, 26, 27, Hos. ,ii 2. Purchases of *2 
and redemptions of ckildren and other persons were customary among the Hebrew, A dm 

"red eld' '"T ^fr °' " ^ C ° ntMt ' " there °" V P r0of th " ^ P^ns 'bought' or 

edeemed' were barga.ned for as slaves. The wives and children of the Hebrew, we're no 

slaves in any sense whatever. Nor is there any more proof from the Scriptures ZZ He 

laZlZl Tv T S \ l '". Uial UlCir WiVeS and Ch ' ldren Were ' The Bible cvidunce is as 
I shall show, all directly the other way. 

On looking iato the Sacred context, wo Sad there were two modes or wavs, of buying and 
selling men , the one voluntary made by the persons bought and sold themseiv A and a p'roved 
of .n the Scriptures; vide Gen. xtvii 19, 23, and other passages ; and to which pracfice fre- 
qnent reference is made in the Scriptures, to illustrate different subjects; vide i.f Kngs xi 
20, 25, 2d Kings xv,, 17, Isa. l 1, L .i 3, Matt, vi 2-1, John vii, 34, Rom vi 13 ,6 17 12 
-,1 Pet. ,M9 The general lament prescribed lor poor Hebrews Jd ^r ^ r 'pover | 
ft -vx. I, Lev. x.xv 39, Dcut. xv 12,) shows that their sales must have bcln voluntary 

\ 



l:; 

because they themselves were to receive wages or pay foi Iheiraervic I 
sages, Lev. xxv 40, 49 — 53, Ueut. xv 11 — II, xxiv 14,15, .ler xxii 13, Mai. , 
never receive wages, because they have no right to them, i lie U xts hi re qui 
that the «oies they mention must have been voluntary aa well as liu J. /'. 
established. 

The other kind of human sales and purchases was involuntary lik lt 

made without the consent and against the will of the person so! 

to the bargain nor receiving a.;y part of iho reward or 

30, xxxix 1. This is represented as a great crime and therefore obm - , ,,,,.. mcM 

vide Gen. xlii 21, 22. '1 liis must have been the crime of 'm u ,..,.,, ,,, , | C | 

G?od with sure death, (Ex. xxi 16,), a rule recognized a;:d approbated in the Ncvi 

(1st. Tim. i 10,), from the nature of this crime. For utmost tin- on!) object of stt , 

napping men is to enslave them o-- sell them to be enslaved ; lor usually nobody v\;!l bu 

man from another except to enslave the man sold. And the nxp.rsj.ion "Jound hi his hand" 

proves that sluveholdhig is just as criminal as" slavetrading oi ki lna| ping. It is hilly a co 

ued permanent exercise of the crime of 'man-stealing*, i the case cited it is i ti tessl 

stealing; compare Gen. xxxvii 27, 28, 36, xl 15, and Ex. xxi iG. And ihe , | 

this crime being by the Law of God the same as the punishment of murd ., Deu|. xxxv 30 ") 

shows that in the sight of God it is a crime of equal enormity . ,, 

And the fact that the rule is appiobaicd in the New Testament, proves tho .. is as heinous a 

crime now as it was at first. Fur we must remember, that L linsi came m t I,. it 

to fulfil and confirm the moral law in thestrongesl manner,— vide Matt, v 17 18 U, Luke xvi 

17, Rom. in 31, Gal. iii 24, ist Pet i 25. Nor is it any objection to this course „l reasoning, 

that the civil penalties annexed to breaches of the moral lawin the I . \i., al i ude were * 

by the dispensation of Christ. Christ is the 'end of the law for righteous uss'' only, ■ : . t| 

v 17, IS, 19, Rom. x 4, Gal. iii 24), but not for guilt. Under the christian disue 

temporal penalties annexed to breaches of the Divine law, ought to be inflict d by the t m loral 

magistrate,— vide Rom. xiii 1-5, Tit- pi 1, 1st Pet. ii 14, and othi . 

or Divine penalties willl bs inflicted as before, butli now and hereafter, — vide Matt, v L9 It) 

20, Luke xvi 17, James h 19, 1st Pet. i 25, and other passages. These fads are aho cltarhj 

established. 

The question now is, under which of those two modes of sales of humhn beings did the 
Almighty permit the purchases of the heathen il bond-men" and "bowl-maids" as (her nr.- 
falsely translated, (Lev. xxv 44--4G,); the righteous, humane and equitable voluntary 'mode 
which He expressly enacted for Bis own people, (and He is no respecter of persons ■ ti le 
ante ; and has enjoined on us not (o ruspect thern — vide Ex. xxui 2, 3, Lev. xi.x 15 D«-ut. 
i 17, xvi 19, Ps. lxxxii 2, Prov. xxiv 23, James ii 9,), or, the oppressive wicked involuntary 
mode which he punished with sure death ! I do not put this question as (hough there or.uld 
be any doubt in the mind of any honest unpiejudiced person; but to all slaveholders nrj 
other corruptionists who would bo esteemed reasonable men. For it is another univerfal 
general rule of construction, that all constructions shall be reasonable and agreeable t" alum 
justice and equity, — vide I Dlac. Coin. 60, 61. Now when we know that a ;>r/rf of tho He- 
brew Servitudes approved by their Almighty Author were of the voluntarv kind, and we do 
not know that tho remainder ('with otio exception) were of any other kind, it is oerCainly 
rtasonable to suppose, that with this exception they were all voluntary. The only one of 
these Servitudes that we knoio to be involuntary, was that of the thief sold to make restitution. 
— vide Ex. XXii 2, ( 3. And this very case being lor crime, a fiords a strong presumption, that 
the others being without crime, were all of the voluntary kind ; for Gfod never deal- with 
the innocent as with the guilty. No honest man, certainly no reasonable man can hesitate to 
adopt this doctrine. And it certainly does seem as if none but a vi i v corVU] t or very ignorant 
person could believe otherwise. 

As Mr. Rankin justly observes, thin construction 'is in accordance with the laws m.ndo for 
the protection of strangers',— vida Ex. xxii 21, Lev. xix 33, 34, xxv ;;."., Deut i 16, \ 18, 19, 
xxiv 14, 15, 17, and many other passages, where the Israelites are expressly forbidden uader 
the heaviest penalties, to "tec or opprass" strangers ; and are also commanded to love them. — 



14 

'Nolfcing" saya Islr. Rankin, "could be a more direct violation of these statutes, than the practice 
of Birth slavery as exists in our rdaveholding states. Nothing couid more 'vex and oppress' the 
Btran:(er than subh bondage." By these .statutes "to defraud the stranger of a single day's labor 
[wages] is seldowM as a grievous sin ; how much more giievous, si the sin of taking from him 
both Isis liberty add labor for life !" This reasoning seems conclusive and unanswerable ; and 
he wl»o is not convicted by it of the sinfulness of slavery, ought to lour that he is incapable of 
moral conviction, — vide Rom. i 28, 1st Tim. iv 2, 2d Tim. iii 7, 8, Tit, i 15, 16. 

But there is yet abundant additional proof that the Hebrew servants conld not have been 
slaves, on account of* the extraordinary legal rights and privileges they enjoyed ; for slaves we 
should remember have no rights or privileges whatever. The Hebrew servants 'bought with 
money' Wt>re circumcised as adopted sons, (Jen. xvii 12, 13, 23, 27, Ex. xii 43--4S. They had 
the right of covenant with God, Deut. xxix 10, 13. They had the same right to the passover as 
the other Israelites ; though other servants and strangers iiad not, Ex. xii 44; though strangers 
might have it if they would become circumcised i. d. 48, 49; and all other servants seem to 
have had a right t-i the other feasts : Ex. xxiii 10, 11, 12, 15, JG, Lev. xxii 10, 11, xxv 1, 6, 8, 
13, Deut. xii 10, 11, 12, xvi «.)— 12, 13—17. Tltey were instructed or educated : Josh, viii 33, 
35. They anjoyed the Sabbath and sabbath privileges; Ex. xx 10, Deut. v 12-15. They ap- 
pear to have had a right to hold property and have servants of their own,— Lev. xxv 49, 1st 
Kings xvi 8, 2d Sam. ix 2, 10, xvi 1. They had an equality in reli»iocs worship; Deut. xvi 9 — 
17. They were governed by equal laws; Ex. xii 49, Deut. xvi 18, 19, Josh, viii 33, 35, 2d Kings 
xxiii 2, 2d Chiou. xxxiv 3D. They might be heirs to their masters, — Gen. xv 3, Prov. xvii 2, 
Mark xii 7. They exercised the highest offices ; Gem xv 2, xxiv 2, 18, 32, 34. 54, 5G, 2d Kings 
v 20, 2J. 35, Prov. xvii 2. They might be soldiers; Gen. xiv 14. It' their masters abused 
them to the extent of mayhem they were set free; Ex. xxi 2G, 27. They married into their 
master's families; 2d Chron. ii 34. They were treated with respect; 1st Sam. ix 22, &c. In 
short, a iritieal investigation shows, that there was hardly any ught or privilege that children 
were entitled to in Israel, (vide Gal. iv 1,), but what these 'bondservants' 'bought with money' 
were equally entitled to by the Law of God. The existence of these legal ii^!.i-- and privileges 
proves that they could not have been 'goods and chattels', and that they must have been 'bought' 
and 'sold' lor servants and not for slaves. It certainly requires an uncommon degree of effront- 
ery, to pretend in the- face of such proof to the contrary, that ihe Almighty established shivery 
by laic in Israel ! 

There is not the slightest reason to believe that any of the Hebrew Servitudes were hereditary; 
as our slavery is. The 'bond -service' of the parents never attached to their children. All He- 
brew servants were freed atthe commencement of every seventh year called the year of Release 

v j<) e Ex. xxi 2, Deut. xv 1',' ; and all servants whatever were treed ::t the commencement of 

every fiftieth year called the Year of Jubilee; vide Lev. xxv 10. It has been conjectured by 
some, that before the enactment of tbo Levitical law, then; was a species of mild hereditary ser- 
vitude among the patriarchs, the phrase "horn in. the house' being supposed to favor the conjecture. 
'(lie context however furnishes no ground to warrant this interpretation. And the treatment 
these servants received and the confidence reposed in them, show that they could not havu been 
slaves. What the precise relation between them was, does net clearly appear; hut the whole 
context goes clearly to show, that it was any liiing but that of a master to his slaves. Such a re- 
lation is whoily inconsistent with the character of Abraham who was a 'preacher of righteous- 
" ness', and who practised all the christian virtues as his history shows. The whole story as told 
Mi Genesis proves, that the relation was much nearer that of a father to his children, or of a hu- 
mane guardian to his grateful and affectionate wards, than that of a tyrannical master to his sullen, 
cringing slaves. As a specimen, see Gen. xiv 14. Our southern patriarchs would hardly daro 
to make soldiers of their human cattle. 

And this leads me to a consideration of the Uses if Conjecture. It is well known to classical 
BCholara, that all ancient books contain numerous passages whose meaning is so obscure, owing 
ehiellv to our loss of the knowledge of ancient manners and customs, that critics have no resource 
left to" elucidate their probable meaning but conjecture, or, guessing at their meaning; and that 
annotations and commentaries on almost every ancient author are full of these critical conjectures. 
And provided such conjectures be agreeable to analogy and therefore probable, no reasonable 
objection can be raised against them. Even infidels cannot reasonably object to their us<>, be- 
cause they are as often compelled to resort to conjecture in argument as others ; and it is to be 
feared, often contrary to analogy. By the help of thin reasonable license, I\ir. Dickey has giv- 
en the most satisfactory explanation of the probable nature of the relation that Abraham sustain- 
ed towards his servants 'born in his house' that I have seen. He contends, that as Abraham 
was a prophet while he was living in Ilaran, (Gen. XI 31), he diligently instructed his neigh- 
bors in the truths of religion, and through the Divine blessing made many disciples. He be- 
came a spisitual father to them and they were dear as children to him. And that they became 
so attached to him that they would not leave him, and when ho left Haran (Gen. xii 5,) betook 
all the 'souls he had gotten' there, that is, all the converts he had made to his religion along u ith 
him. That Abraham being a prince and needing a large retinue, these converts composed his 
household and served him for reasonable wages, and were in this the Old Testamen' 



!•■ 

'bought [i. e. hired] with Abraham's money' (Gen. • ranger , (i. d. 

that is, in the country of llaran. This conjecture is greatly corrobi facl that il,- 

contest shows, that voluntary sales of men do" in the Old Testament langun den of 

their services or revenues; vido Gen. xlvJi 19,23,26. IVfi I' . 

in- Abraham's house' — (Geo. svii 12. 13, 23, 27,.) wen ill . im'efir ten 

who raised up families whi/e in his service and edacati I them in the know 1 
iho true religion Mr. D. argues with the greatest reason, thai 
can ht! given consistent with Abraham's recorded character forj 
!■. man who was so scrupulous in this respect, that lie would nol pari dee ol 
Mined in war; (vido God. my 22, 23,), would of all me leasl likely to !. 

Blave men; and that it is ridiculous to suppose the 'Falhei of ll . |.| 

work with long whips wielded hy savage overseers, feeding thi m on 

exhibiting conduct in any other resp< - i think so 

too. What an idea, — to imagine the ' Father of the faithful' who 'talked with God' '•• 
ing, threatening, starving, torturing his Blaves, forbidding them to read llic word of life or prac- 
tise the common duties of rdigii n, ting with the females, sellii » own 
children, and committing the long list of penal atrocities, Cor which lha vileet criminals are sub- 
jected to felonious punishment, in all countries whore just laws prevail; and like 
modern preachers, buy ing and soiling slave's on week 'lays, and preaching righteousness on the 
Sabbath'l What honest man believes in this chara tei offalhei Abi 

And if these views be correct, what blasphemy is it to compare r>ur slaveholders with the 
patriarchs of old, and with God'a ancient i int people. The Arabs, the Turks, tho 

Buccaneers and other robbers and pirates, will bear the compai ison better. Think of sla\ i hold- 
ers, b-^ing 'a holy, peculiar people, zi a! mis of good works' ! — Deut. siv2, Tit. it 14. And ihink 
too of the blasphemous pretence of bringing the slaves from Africa, to enjoy gospel light and 
privileges, and the blessings of Christianity that are to he found on slave plantations ; v 
it would be nearly as proper to preti nd to gospel iight and blessings in hell ; and wh< n 
body knows, that tho only motive which ever supported the Blave trade was the profit id' the 
kidnapper's, slave-traders and slaveholders. To other motivi i sd in the sales 

and purchases of slaves, than in those of cuttio, horses ai d i •'■'<'■> t brute 

It is insisted by some, that the Israelites actually did in son ice slavish bondage. 

They certainly did in one case, as a commutation of the punishment of '< nanded 

by God, — vide Deut. vii I, 2, .Tosh. i\ 27. And because this commutation was exceeded, the 
nation was afterwards punished; vide 2d Skm. xxi 1, 2. And when the nation degencr h 
became corrupt and broke the Leeitical law, (vide. Lev. \ v 35, I 19, Dent, i v 7.), they sot i 
did the same thing; vide 1st King* xii 10, I!, 2d Kings iii 1, 2, 3, iv I, &c, Nell, v 1, 13 
other passages. Uut even in the iijost degenerate times of the nation, there w g no Blave mar- 
Uet for the 'bond-servants' in Israel. For on a particular occasion when such a market was a: 
tempted to be opened, the people at the remonstrance of a prophet, revolted at it, and r< 
the captives with presents, vide 2d Chron. xiviii G, 15. It should ' , that the lsra 

elites were surrounded by heathen nations, who practised all manner of abominations, 
oppression am ing the rest; and as the Israelites were cli serve the true n ligion, thej 

were expressly forbidden all contact with these abominations, under I penalties; vide 

Lev. xviii 24, 25, Deut. ix 4. See the awful denunciations for the neglect or breach of tl 
al law iu Lev. xXvi 14, 39, and Deut. xxviii 15, 68. Bui notwithstanding the severity 
terrible regulations, the people were prone to the sins of the neighboring heathen, and 
time3 relapsed into idolatry and other heinous) crimes ; and when thej di I so they Tiro punish*! 
accordingly; vide 2d Kings xxii B, 2 I, . I, li, &c, 2d Chron. xii I, I civ 17. 

25, xxxvi 14, 21, and many other instances. 

The existence of the Servitudes among the Israelites, presented a mo=t tempting occasion for 
the practice of oppression, to tho bs who had tho power ovei brethren; 

which was probably the reason why God s<> - ned the commission of this sin, — 

vide Ex. xxii 22, 27. Lev. xix 13, Dent, xv P, xxiv !■">. So far from sanctioning or conniving 
at any thing like slavish oppression in Israel, the most special and effectual regulations 

provided in the Levitical code, to guard against it; and s| ial pro-. . : for the 

benefit of the poor, the father!) '■'. i0. 

xxiii 22, Deut. xxiv 6, 10, 13, 19,21. And to rend r the observant nd ex- 

cellent regulation's tho more effectual, tin their own ImLer experience 

of slavish oppression, as the strongest incentive to induce them, to show mercy and kin 
the poor, — vide Deut. xvi 12, xj tri several other the rich 

Israelites were for the reasons already giveriw extremely pro t and break the law? 

against oppression ; and prophets were rionrtii 

threaten and reform them, especialtyfro; Neh. * 1—13, Jer. vii 1—7, 

xxii I— 9, 16, 17, Eze. xxii 1 — 13. Tin c< mmon law is gn ' r its benevolent cart 

of the poor and afflicted, and in that respeel is probably the m isl pet 
existed. But it fulls vastly short of iho Levitical law, in tender regard tor the 



10 

poor, and io the 'strictness of its provisions for the prevention of all tKiose various oppression?, 
to which they are bo liable. The Levitical law is in fact in its whole frame and structure, ad- 
mirably adapted to the prevention of every species' of tyranny. It utteily forbids all respect to 
persons in judgment, — vide Ex. x.xiii 2, 3, Lev. xix 15, Deut. i 17, xvi 19,'xxvii 19. No hu- 
man code will at all compare with it in the perfection of its equity. Yet strange and horrible to 
tell, this very code is at tho present time, in a christian nation boasting of its knowledge, refine- 
ment and hteh privileges, brought forward and quoted in justification of the blackest and blood- 
iest system jt»f tyrannical oppression that ever existed under heaven ! ! 

So particularly pointed was the Levitical law agaii . human oppression, that the mere volun- 
tary escape of a servant from his master was deemed to be sufficient presumptive evidence, that 
lie had been oppressed in his master's service, and that he was therefore entitled to his freedom, 
— vide Deut. xtiii 15, 16. No other law rer guarded the rights and safety of servants with so 
much and such jealous care, — vide Ex. xxi 26, 27. It should be remarked of the principal case 
herequoiewl, that the servant could not be kii 1 scted o servitude again after his escape, without 
his own consemt. He was to dwell in any place he liked which he should choose. This lac! 
shows that the Israelites were obliged to protect fugitive slaves from tho surrounding nations, 
even at the peril of war. This law is the spirit of the whole BiMe ; vide Ps. xxxi 8, Isa. xvi 
3, 4,; and the violation of it violates that spirit; vide Oba. 10 — It.. Some contend that this law 
was made for the exclusive benefit of foreign fugitive slaves. But there is no ground for this 
notion. The generality of tho words proves that it was intended for all servants alike, domestic 
as well as foreign. There is no room for exclusive construction. Were such a provision to be 
inserted idto all our slave codes, slavery would not exist a month in any part of the United States. 
This is the waj the Levitical law sanctioned slavery ! 

And yet Ktrajige to relate, that very conduct in seivants which by the Levitical law entitled 
them to freedom, is by the slave laws and customs of a professodly christian country, held to bo 
one of the greatest offences which a slave can commit, and condemns him to the most cruel pun- 
ishment and still more rigorous bondage ! No crime in a slave is so ^reat in the visw of a slave 
holder, as (hat of running away from his master, though to avoid thegreatest possible oppression. 
We are commanded in the Scriptures to love and! assist our fellow men, and take their part when 
wronged and oppressed; yet if a slave assist a fellow slave to flee from bondage, he is held to 
be guilty ->f a great crime. And as if the outrages of slave laws on the Law of God, were not 
alone sufficiently wicked, the laws of the United States and those of some of the free states, pre- 
tended to be made by authority, of a constructive clause of the constitution of the United States, 
(Art. 4, Sec 2,), are made auxiliaries in the detection and punishment of the offence! 

Had real slavery existed in the Hebrew nation, by virtue of the Levitical law, its practice, ef- 
fects and consequences would have similar to those now existing in our slaves states, and as 
they uniformly have existed in all slave countries. But we have not the slightest trace of any 
account in the Bible, so long as the Israelites observed that law, of any such atrocities and cruel- 
ties in that nation, as are fitly denominated the "Horrors of Slavery". It was only when they 
broke the law, that they practised human oppression. As has been shown, all mannor of injus- 
tice and cruelty towards the [sraelitish servants was strictly forbidden by the Divine law ; which 
prohibition the Almighty would not have enacted, had He Intended to establish real slavery as 
.it exists in the United States. The fact that He jealously guarded the natural rights of servants 
by express laws for that purpose proves, that though He established several mild kinds of servi- 
tude for the benefit of the poor servants themselies, He most effectually prohibited every thing 
like slavery of uny description. 

Slavery like <»thcr Tyranny, is net a crime against the Law of God or the common law, by 
thatname. The treatment which the Hebrews received from the Egyptians, though far less op- 
pressive than that which our slaves receive, (vide Ex. i 11 — 14, ii 23, v 7 — 10,), was yet of the 
same nature so far as it went, with that which all real slaves receive; and was so great a sin as 
to be punishable with ten severo plagues on the whole Egyptian nation, among which was tho 
destruction of all their first born, and in the conclusion the destruction of their king and army. 
This treatment is expressly called "oppression" in the Scriptures, (Ex. i 1 — 14, iii 9, Isa. lviii 
6,), which it would not have been, unless it were to denouuee it as a sin. 'Oppression' of every 
description, is wherever it occurs in tho Bible, denounced as a great sin, — vide Deut. xxvi 7, 
2d Kings xiii 4, Job xxxv 9, Ps. xii 5. lxxii.3, cxix 134, Eccl. v 8, vii 7, Eze. xxii 7, 29, Zeph. 
iii 1, Zech. be 8, and numerous other passages oqually plain. And this great sin, as the context 
of almost every quotation shows, was punished with ail manner of judicial severities, even 
slaughter und death. No doctrino can be plainer than thie. "Man-stealing" also, or the mod- 
ern crime ef kidnapping and involuntary sales of men, is the highest degree of human oppression, 
and is punishable by the Law of God with sure dteath •, vide Deut. xxiv 7. This statute, except 
the civil penalty, is still in force; vide 2«t Tim. i 10. And it is remarkable that the Greek word 
C andrapodistai ) , translated "man- stealers" in tho passage quoted from 1st Timothy, means slave- 
owners or slave-AoWera, much more nearly than it does slave-traders or kidnappers ; as all Greek 
Kchotars- knew. Tho punishment of murder was no more than death, by the Levitical law; vide 
Lev. xxiv, 17,21, — Numb, xxxv, 30,— Slavery therefore, by the names of 'hard bondage' 'oppres- 



sion' and 'msri- stealing' is as great a crime as murder, by iho express words of the Law si I 
And it is remarkable also, that the 'oppressions' of the Hebrews wero inflicted, i 

l aw v ;j p jX . j 9 in, ||, v 5—9. And it was lor customary •'oppression , that the Israelites 

were so often threatened and punished. Most people argue on the abolition quest! 
galized crimes became just and sacred lights, and entitled forespei t as such j that is, if they can 
sin according to law, they have a just right to sin. \ et it was for such Bins , that 

so many nations' have been destroyed by God's exterminating judgments! This terrible Ittct 
ought to bo heeded, as a sure warning of the certain doom of our own country, it the giant sin 
of slavery be not repented of and abandoned. 

The consequences of slavery show that it is as great a crime as murder. It produces a living 
death- for what is life worth deprived of its blessings and enjoyments I Multitudes ol slaves 
have actually preferred death to slavery. And death was declared by our ancestors, to be the 
best lot of the t vo conditions. Slavery deprives men of the 'key of knowledg. 
means of securing their future happiness ; it subjects them to the infliction of the greatest ; 
bio cruelties of every description, as already stated, which frequently render deal h a bli 
it destroys all the peace and happiness of the slaves, both of body and mind, and leave-- them 
without all rational hope both now and hereafter. It is hardly less destructive to the DO 
than to the slaves It demoralizes and corrupts them to the lowesl degree. II makes them all 
unprincipled tyrants, and renders them the very worst members of society. Slaveholders i im- 
bibe from the practice of slavery, the most arbitrary, domineering, dictatorial. insoletH ai 
nricious dispositions, always at war with the rights of others and with the spirit ol chTiStianity. 
It makes them all idlers and spend-thrifts, and renders them savage in a cvili/ed country, it 
generates all other crimes and makes t|ieir perpetration necessary, as before stated. Uimpov- 
Irishes the country that tolerates it, and invokes upon it the jast vengeance of Heaven. INuiliier 
the practice of murder or any other crime, can produce any worse effects than these. 

Slavery not only contradicts the whole spirit and genius of the Scriptures, in the manner al- 
ready shown but is a direct breach of two commands in the Decalogue, the off"" and the tcntn. 
That stealine of etfery description is a crime punishable in all cases by the Law ol • 
notquote Dosages to" prove. Slavery the highest degree of it by the name of 'man steal, j 
as we have seen, punishable with its highest Civil penalty, death. But slavery is an .-.press 
breach of the tenth commandment. Hardly any sin is denounced will, greater seventy ,n the 
Bible, than that of covetous™**,-*** Ex. xx 17, Deut. v 21, Josh v., 21 *c. Ps. * 3 let. Itii 
17 Mic ii 2 Hob. ii 9, 12, Mark vii 22, Luke xu l.», Acts v I- 10, Rom. i 29, vn 7, x.i, 9, 
1st Cor v 10 11 vi 10, E P h. v 5, Col. Hi 5, 2d Tim. ii 2. Covetousness is a greedy desire of 
the iust property and rights of others ; and besides destroying the peace of him who harbors th» 
sin in his heart it is apt beyond almost any other sin, to alluro him into dishonest and cnmiPal 
practises to "ratify his criminal desires. The Law of God, which is the most scan hm- and 
Eual'of allfaw", (vide Ps. xix 7, &c, Rom. vii 22, Heb. iv 12,), therefore cuts A', 
it by forbidding all covetous desires. Now the whole system and practice of slavery , , s founded 
on this very sin. The command is, "Thou shall not covet [greedily desire] ....... any thing 

that is tlui nei^hhors'. By the Law of Cod, every person is (under Clod) his wn owner; the 
owner of his own body, limbs and faculties; the owner of his own time, industry, strength and 
skill ; the owner of his own wife and children ; the owner of his own lights, his Secui 
Liberty, his Property, SfO. ; all as the gift of his Maker, as has b' den clearly shown. Now 
slaverv usurps all these, plunders the slaves of them, and devoKg them to the sole use of the 
masters out of a greedy and criminal desire to possess and use » em ; or, simply out ofcovetous- 
ness. Some corruptionistfl to support slavery have suggested, that ns 'men-servants' and •maid 
servants' are mentioned ill the same connexion with 'o:; n' and 'ass ■'" command- 

ment the owner must have sustained the same relation to tin- servants, that ho did to these 
beasts. But as we have abundantly proven, that none of these 'servants' could be slavi 
virtue of the Law of Cod, and as 'trices' are also mentioned in the same connexion, there is not 
much danger that this contemptible perversion, will gain extensive allowance. 

The perversions of passages of the New Testament, forged to sustain slavery, are mui 
numerous than those which have been noticed; and it would be a sufficient answer 
to the whole of them, tostate, that Christ, and his apostles the compilers of that volume, I 
numerous instances, directly condemned all human oppression, as a sin of the first magnitude, 
as the numerous passages quoted in this lecture will show ; and that the whole spirit of tl 
Testament, breathes nothing but perfect liberty, both temporal and spiritual: Vldi 
Rom viii 15— 21, Gal. v 1, Heb. ii I"), and numerous -unlar import. It is 

impossible that any part of such a book, should have been intended to justify slavish oppression. 
Temporal slavery directly and necessarily produces spiritual bondage, iho very evil the t.ospel 
was sent to eradicate. 

<Christ expressly declared that he did not come as a temporal lawgiver. 1 he objects ot nis 
mission were, to fulfil the old dispensation, intro lu ■•• h new one. exhibit a | le, and 

proclaim general rules, adapted to particular conduct in all eases, public as well as private, and 
to the fabrication of laws and customs among the rest. When therefore, he or his tollov 

B 



IS 

Naw Testament consolers, condemned injustice and or. session in general terms they meant of 
course every species of them, and most of all, the highest degree of them— slavery Now the 
New Testament 13 every where fuM of this direct condemnation. A gre; I number of vicious 
and criminal practises, ere n»t condemned by name in tho New Testament; such for instance as 
counterfeiting, forgery, arson, theatres, gambling and hundred others. But whoever supposes 
that these and all other wicken practices, are not strictly condemned by the spirit if not the letter 
of the New Testament, as well as t.V Old, must be reall or designedly ignorant of both. Every 
species of vicious and destructive practices*, "e strictly .'orbidden, by 'the plain spirit of the New 
Testament. Look at the following passage, lie.?- *'i 9, 17, 13, *19, xiii 13, xiv 16—19, 1st 
Thess. iv 12, v 22, and r hundred other passages, collect.'vcly forbidding, every evil and destruc- 
tive practice. It is wonderful that in the face of such evidence to the contrary, it shouit. ever 
have been pretended, that any part of the New Testament sanctioned s^V«n . 

The phrase 'bought with a price <&c.\ (1st Cor. vi 20,), has been basely" pervC.'ted to mean 
Have purchases ; whereas the purchases hero symbolically alluded to, are those of ne^os to 
bondage , ransomed to become freemen instead of Slaves. Such is the plain spirit and mean- 
ing of the whole context; ride John vii 3G, Acts, *x 28, Rom. vi 13 4 1st Cor vii 22 2'* 
Gal. iii 13, Heb. ix 12 1st Pet. i 18, 19. Rev. v 9, and numerous othe'r pas ages? R nsom^d 

ISSSL'SZ ^T'f *" ,,r ?r rty ° f thcir T*"**- **» ™odc of 'ransom' waf a. J Toi 
freedom instead of slavery. Christians are 'redeemed' from not into -bondage*. Chri t re- 

inTXZa^Tli i'."' T h ' S "J"]!? SCr 1T tS ' ( " 0t "billing slaves), b v the 'purchase 
of his b ood. Yet this blasphemous and despicable perversion, has been gravely employed by 
slaveho ding divines and other corruptions, to justify the most absolute and cruel slavery both 
spiritual and temporal ! And the use of it proves, that as s!,-,ery is one of the greatest ofcrimes 
so it can only be supported, by the agency of crimes of equal euo'mitv 

I he Greek word for 'slaves' is "andrapoda' , and for 'slaveholdcr a ''"andrap distai" the re- 
rS°r n «?J Z7r] T " D0W ^\ e 1 W* a *& *&*'* Testament. It is simp.; condemned by 
reference and classification, in 1st Tun. i 10. The wicked relations of men, such as those of 
criminals to their victims, are nowhere regulated in the Bible. The relations of murderers 
thieves, robbers, &c. lowards their victims, are not at all sanctioned in this way. They are 
simply condemned and orbidden as s.ns ; and those are threatened with sure punishment who 
persist in them. The Bible doctrine is, to destroy, not to attempt to meliorate, slavery and other 
Tm. ,'T? n 6 ^" 7 ° y T ,nc T h \ e of «Wj««wMon. The behaviour of persons subjected 
«tf»rai(«1T# re ^o :,t , ed '2 theS ^'P t,lre3: vide Ez - vi 10. Jer xxix 7, Matt, v 
30, 44 Rom x.i 14, 20, 1st Tim. ,.2 1st Pel .. 20, and various other passages. But the rela- 
tions themselves are never regulated, because they are sinful relations. I have but little doubt 
but that the 'servants under the yoke' (1st Tim. vi I, 2,), were real slaves. But mark the di- 
rection. The relation itself is not approved. No direction is given to the master in this case. 
tie is not licensed to hold slaves, any more iban the striker to smite the 'other cheek'. On the 
contrary, the 'servants' are directed to terminate (ho relation if they can; if not to endure it pa- 
tiently; vide 1st Cor. vii 21. The direction in this passage is applicable to tho'case of slaves if 
to any. And if it be the duty of the slave to obtain his freedom, it must be the corresponding 
duty ol ais mrvnerto give it to him. The duty of christian submission to ill treatment, is a duty 
injured persons owe to God, not to their oppressors. 

« J^. e ,^-' e, , C ,r i ds r " r ,' servants ' , ar3 ''doidoff' and "oikctai" , and for 'masters' "Icurioi" and 
«2 f£.lt!? i*™ Va }' 3 USed !" the New Testa m°nt, to express the same relation, that our 
Wmilf™^/ «f a^ a , r - e - TI,U9 St - Paul was not a t] ™ i« a "y "nse, though he style. 
R™ i 1 Pl.T , ° n nd C "; ,st I , " S master ' a3 the oll,er a P° slles d'd.-vide Luke ii SK^Act.. ii 18, 

Jjv 2 ! " r y fcIav .;r b .f onso « '^tevcr; that is, no slavish directions or injunctions are ever 
ETtaaA^STK a r lhe 1 neCCSSaiy and '^"^l Nation of master and servant, in its 

SnS 1 ?.PP rove .' ° f ' n , a,l P ar,s of the Bible, and ample general directions are given 
™«nJ* n82S 0n J.i- V,da Eph> V ' 5 - 9 ' CoK iiS 89 ' " » Tlt - " ;) . I s ' P^ » 18, and other 
F. 5 «;«•„. 1 ?f ct,on , 9 arc , so F«™ a "d 'xeellcnt, that it cannot be reasonably supposed 
hey were intended to reflate slavery. For if tbey were they must have defeated .heir own in- 
tentions; for ,f they be .tried; fo* owed . bey will put an immediate end to the relation ! The 
simple directions given ir. Eph. v, 9, Col. v 1 and Philem. 16, if strictly obeyed bv all .lave- 
ho!,ers wouh. put an end to slavery in a day! There is not the slightest proof that Onesimus 
was a slave, lie might have been a servant of any other kind, and yet wronged his master or 
employer. And the directions of the apostle to Philemon show, that masters ought never to 
treat their servants, as slaves are usually treated. According to the spirit of the epistle, all 
servants should be treated like brethren. It ,s curious that the case in Matt, xviii 23-34 should 
have been considered as that of a slave; to a slave can no more 'owe' his master, than a horse 
or a piece of furniture can. It was a simple idlusion, to the sale of an insolvent debtor, under 
the harsh and oppressive laws ot the Roman Empire ; not under the Law of God. I might pro- 
seed to notice some other minor perversions, but the foregoing are amply sufficient. None of 
then will influence those who are acquainted with the spirit of the Bible, and are desirous to 



id 

regulate their own conduct by it; and those who are not, will pracUcu ila»e;y or any other 
«rirne they choose, whether the Serptures ba perverted or not. 

It has been gravely declared by pro-slavery divines, that the New Testament did not condemn 
•lavery, as ilexisted in the Roman Empire ; and from these premises it has been us gravely con- 
cluded, that the Gospel did not interfere with that slavery. But the premises are not true. Ev- 
ery ingredient of slavery is strictly condemned and denounced in the New Testament j vido 
Matt, xxiii 4, 14, Mark x 19, xii 40, 1st Cor. v 8, 9, 10, Eph. iv 31, 1st Thess. iv 6, James ii 6 
— 16, v 4, Rev. xviii 13, and a hundred other passages equally plain. Cluist also is supposed, 
to have expressly forbidden the practice of slavery, and all other arbitrary authority , among his 
followers, in Matt, xx 25 — 28, vido also 1st Cor. vi 7 — 1U. These and a hundred oilier pointed 
passages, cut up slavcholding by tho roots. Besides, slavery is wholly inconsistent and irrecon- 
cilable, with the manifold directions in all parts of tho New Testament, for tho constant cxerciso 
of love, honour, chanty Sfc, towards all men. But there is no need of further argument. Slave- 
ry is as contrary to the whole spirit of the New Testament as murder is. And how consistent is 
it, for christians to quote heuth.cn examples, in justification of crimes against the christian religion ! 
Why not on the strength of such premises, practice theatrical exhibitions, gladiatorial shows, 
human sacrifices, infanticide, heathen feasts, the Olympic games, military government, despot- 
ic law, and a hundred other heathen abominations; lor they are 'not interfered with' or con- 
demned by name in the New Testament, any more than Roman slavery was ! 

I have thus proved beyond a reasonable doubt, that Slavery is as great a Crime against rh< I IV 
of Revelation, as murder or any other crime, and that it is fully equal to murder, in guilt end e- 
normity. And such being the admitted fact, it is shocking to think, that there have been men 
.in the christian church, wicked enough to pervert the Scriptures, for the sake of justifying this a- 
bomination, and supporting its practice. All the perversions 1 have refuted, were lirst forged 
fa the Roman Catholic church, moro than 300 years ago, for the express purpose of justifying ne- 
gro slavery, the practice of which among christians had just then commenced. And for the pur- 
pose of justifying the perversions, they pretended that Bioses instead of God, enacted the l.evui- 
cal law; and that finding slavery established in Israel by custom, and not oei.ij able to abolish 
it, ho endeavored to regulate and mitigate it, by good legislation ; and many of their protestant 
successors copied the doctrine. But this was if possible, a worse perversion than the rest Foe 
the Lcvitical law was enacted from 'Sinai's fiery top' a few weeks only after the Israelites wero 
themselves delivered from slavish bondage ; and the Scriptures expressly declare, that (iod him- 
self (not Moses) made that law; vide Ex. xix 5, 6, xx 1, Jleh. i 1, and many other passages. — 
And as has been remarked, there is noaccouut in tne Bible, of any slavish oppression in Israel, 
except when the nation broke that Jaw. The perversion is theielbre, without a shadow of rea- 
sonable foundation or apology. And these gross and scandalous perversions, have been siuco 
copied and adopted, by most protestant theological writers and preachers, in loo man)- cases it is 
to be feared, for the same impious purpose. Here is a caie in point to illustrate tho effects, of 
the excessive selfishness of mankind. When tho protesta.its wero persecuted by the catholics, 
they could readdy delect the Scriptural perversions, by which &udi treatment was attempted to 
be justified. But when they themscLocs became oppressors, they could agree with the Culuolics, 
in perversions for their own justification ! Most of our theological works that treat of the Hebrew 
Servitudes, stupidly copy the old popish perversions, seemingly without the least examination, 
or comparison with the rest of the Scriptures, orciitical scrutiny into the real meaning of ihe per- 
verted texts. And this criminal negiect and adhesion is the principal reason, why so many of 
the protestant as well as popish clergy, are so grossly ignorant of the true derivation, nature »nd 
extent of Human Rights ; and why tho practice of good works, on the duties of men to men, arc 
bo seldom inculcated by them. 

It is dithcult to conceive how a person can be a christian, and yet support slavery — \ ido 1st 
John iii 10, iv 20, 21, *nd man) other passages ol the same import. In- a well settled do 
among all christian sects, that unless men actually love Cod, they 'cannot he saved.' And it 
would seem to be as cicar from Scripture, that uuless they actually 'love' their 'neighbor,' or 
have a universal Move' for all mankind, (vide Luke vi :J7-3.">, \ 29-37, Rom. xii !». 17, J~, 3d 
Cor. viii 21, 1st Pet. ii 17, and a multitude of other passages,) tiny also 'cannot be saved.' I • 
niversal benevolence is commanded by the spirit of the whole Scriptures. Partial benevolence 
though of the strongest kind, will save nobuJv. — vide .Mitt, vi 20, 1 \ 17. Luke vi 32-34. It is 
not probable that any s«ct of christians were ever more formal and devotional, than tiic ancient 
Pharisees were — vide Matt, vi 2, 5, 10, xix 20, xxiii .V 6, 25-28, Acta uii 3, xxvi •">, Phil, iii ■"<• 
Aud yet we find their salvation impossible, on account of their Hypocrisy and Oppression, the 
very sins of which the slaveholders, ofall men are most guilty — vide Matt, xxiii 3, 1, 14,23,25, 
23, 31-33, Mark xii 40, Luke xi4o, xv 47. No ajari bolder eon 'I »ve' his slaves in the si rij lursj 
eanse. His whole treatment of them is the geault oJ perLtci bat < -' ' i Uiem and their right- *l 
person who really loves another, will injure or abuse him. And however much slaveholder! 
'Jove' each other, or oilier freemen, yet so long as they enslave an] part of mankind, tiny 'cannot 
he saved', Slavery is founded in utter hatred and contempt of righteousness ad in 

opposition to the command to 'Jove our neighbor'. Lore to our neighbor being mci.tioucd tq 



20 

the same connexion with love to God, (vide Matt, xxii 37—40, and other passages), proves it 10 
be a paramount doctrine; and tiie want of sufficient practice under it, has been for tlio want of 
sufficient preaching of the doctrine. Mr. Crothcrs asserts 'tearless of successful contradiction, 
that prior to the existence of the Slave trade, no christian of piety and intelligence ever under- 
took to expound the Law of God given by Moses, as authorising involuntary, hereditary, perpet- 
ual slavery'. And that 'the blasphemies of the Pope on this subject have been palmed on the 
world as the old diviniij , — as the doctrines which God revealed from heaven.' I have no doubt 
of the general correctness of this assertion. And as it is a fact, that provious to the commence- 
ment of the negro slave trade, Christianity had extirpated human slavery, from all those parts of 
Christendom where it prevailed in any tolerable degree of purity, the presumption is, that these 
base pervorsions were at that period wholly unknown, and that up to that time, all real chris- 
tians had well understood, that human slavery was a mortal sin. And the fact, that American 
slaves have never been permitted to read the Scriptures, atlbrds another presumption, that these 
psrversions wore wilful and intentional. Certain it is, that if the present slaveholders or their 
.spiritual guides, did sincerely believe in the truth of those perversions, they would diligently in- 
struct their slave.* in the knowledge of the Scriptures, as the best guaranty they could have for 
their fidelity. And the fact that they do not and will not, because they dare noMhus instruct 
them, proves their hypocrisy. They understand the spirit of the Scriptures better. They well 
know, there is not another book in the world, that vindicates and establishes the equal rights of 
all men, and denounces their infringement, with half the energy, severity and copiousness, that 
the Bible does. They know it is the most republican book in the world. And for this very 
reason, they will not permit the victims of their impious oppressions, to know any thing correct- 
ly about it. 

I have now nearly completed my proposed criticisms on this interesting subject. Not that 
such criticisms are at all exhausted; but because it seems to me, that enough and more than 
enough has been written, to prove the great, object of the Lecture, namely, the sinfulness of 
slavery. I have been somewhat prolix, in the examination and refutation of the perversions 
treated of, on account of their being the last and only final 'refuge of lies,' used to defend the 
abominations of slavery, and on account of the consequent zeal and obstinacy with which they 
are maintained, But I recommend to all who have the opportunity, to investigate the whole 
subject, still more critically than I have done ; assuring them for their encouragement, that 
the further they push their critical researches, the clearer and stronger will the case appear a- 
gainst slavery. And to aid them in the premises, I will add a few more general remarks, most 
of which have been heretofore published, but which may afford some assistance in v course of 
critical inquiry. 

Almost every crime against the Christian religion has been attempted to be justified, by 
junersions of the Bible. Perversions are a turning or wresting of the true to a false meaning. 
Thus religious persecutions, legitimacy or the divirje rights of kings, aris/ocracy, offensive 
war, human oppression, murder, theft, robbery, polygamy, and other abominations, have all 
been attempted to be vindicated by these criminal means. Perversions of the true meaning of 
the Scriptures are most heinous sins— vide Ps. cxix 12G, Isaiah v 20. Jer. xviii li, xxiii 36. 
Lze. v 6-8, xiii 9-16, xxii 26, 28, Mic. iii 9, Hab. i 4, Zt'ph. iii 4, Mai. ii 7, 8, Matt, xv 3, 0, 
9, Mark vii 8, Acts xiii 10, xv 1. 24, 2d Cor. ii 17, Gal. i 7, Col. ii S, 1st Pet. i 18, 2d Pet. ii 
1, iii 16, and other passages. But nothing has been more common than such blasphemous 
'refuges of lies,' when the supposed interests of wicked men have required support. Thus ty- 
rants, persecutors and criminals of all sorts, have appealed to the Bible in justification of their 
conduct. The horrors of the Inquisition, and of all other religious persecutions, hare been 
pretended to be founded on Christian principles ! It is unnecessary to inquire, whether ihcsr. 
corruptioni8ta were like St. Paul, honest in their sins. Perhaps many of thorn sinned in 
ianorancc. Probably very few of them were guilty of as much wilful sin, as the present slave- 
holders are. They did not sin against half the lhjht a.id knowledge— vide 2d Chron. vi 22, 23, 
Job xx iv 13, Luke xii 47, 4S, John iii 20, Eph. v 13, Heb. x 26. 

By the law of God, neglect of known duty, or sins of wilful omission, (vide ante,) is one of 
ihe greatest of sins ;' vicfe Deut. xxxi 16-18, 29, xxxii 15-43, Judges ii 12-10, 6-13, Heb. ii 
3, and many other passages. Especially is neglect of the poor, the afflicted and the helpless 
a great sin ; vide Prov. xiv 20, 21, xvii 5, xviii 23, xxi 13, xxii 16, Eze. xvi 49. James ii 2-4, 
and numerous other passages. Not only the positive oppression of the poor, but the neglect to 
;e!ieve their wants and necessities, is condemned as a great sin. And it should be observed, 



-'. 

that tlic connexion to ulmos'i every quolatii . Iribution foi 

such criminal neglect. It should also be remember* !, thai ill Ih poked to I 

Mich as care, charity, mercy ami jusiiee to the poor, Ih . ,], nrc rec- 

ommended and enjoined in the sirongest terms-, i t again in tli 1. 

xix 1), 10, xxiii 22, xxv 35-33, Dent, xiv '2'.), xv 7-11, xxiv 19- 88, P 

xiv 21. 31, xix 17, xxii 9, xxviii 27, Luke iii 2, 2d Cor. ix 0, 7, 0, It John iii 17, and a hun- 
dred other similar passages. Charity and kindness to the poor am! the afflii ted. are virtues 
inculcated in the strongest manner all over the Bible. Christ came to exemplify till 
(Isa. lxi 1, Luke iv 13—2 1 ;) and both he and his folio and practised lliein in tha 

most exemplary manner. They are every where represented in 1 1 

articles of the Christian religion. No oilier system of morals, or religion, or law in the world, 
has provided for the support, the protection and consolation oi'lhe poor, the alii 
oppressed, with half the care that the Law of God revealed in the Bible has. [e it probable, 
or even credible then, that this most equitable, merciful ami righteous law, or an) part of it, 
should ratify or even countenance, or in the least decree connive at, the most barbarou 
brutal system of human oppression, that the light of |b« sun ever shone on ! 

But we have abundance of positive as well as circumstantial pioof in the Bib] •■ 
trary. And in order to place the guilt of the practice of Christian slavejjolding and si. 
ding in a strong light, 1 affirm this proposition, namely, that if there be one doctrine nioro 
plainly and clearly taught in the Bible than another, it is the doctrine of the utter condemn 
reprobation and denunciation o/ every kind and degree of Hutna , i ially all sla- 

vish oppression. It is a leading, prominent, principal doctrine of the Bible. The ten command" 
nents are not plainer. More than a thousand passages of Scripture can be rcadilv >p 
n direct vindication of it. Distinct traces of il are (o be observed in all parts of the Sacred 
Volume. Judgments were denounced and inflicted, armies and individuals destroyed, nations 
conquered and subjected by their enemies, and all other sorts o( national penal ■ 
is punishments, principally for the commission of this very sin of Hum 

vi 11-17, xviii 21-21, Ex. iii !), xii 29, xiv 28, Dent, xxviii [5-68, Job xx 19, xxvii I.".-' 
ixiv i--8, Prov. i II, \ 1--3, Isa. x 1-1, xiv 2, xvi 4 xix 20, Iv/.e. vii 2:;--27, i\ :», xvni 
xxii 29 31, Amos iv 1, viii 4- S, Mie. vi 12, vii 2, 3, .Nab. hi 1,11 
Zech. vii 9-14, Matt, xxiii 14, Mark xii 40. Luke xx 47, Rev. xviii [3, and a h 
passages equally plain. It should be observed, that in most of the cases of the enumerations 
of sins, for which judgments were threatened, this sin receives a pointed and promim : 
lice. And where the oppressions were legal, or in other words national, tl"' punish 
were national also, and inflicted in thus world. And in every case of such IhrsateARtga, without 
repentance and reformation by the nations threatened, the judgmonts threat) tied 
Jlictcd ; as ancient and modern history will both teslify. The pun ihm 
ry, is therefore destruction and death, by the special p 

God, as Pharaoh's case and many others prove; and is as sure in the end, 
of the seasons or the succession of day and night The judgments of Q I th ".i-ii bIoW, (Ex. 
xxxiv 6, 7, Numb. x,iv 18, Neh. ix 17, Ps. eiii 8, Rom. ix 22, 2d Pi :. iii I 
robate men may presume on their non-fulfilment, (Ex. v 2. 2d Kings .v. \i 15, 

Prov. xxx 9, Isa. v 19, Jer. xvii IS, Ezc. xii 22, 27, Matt. xxiv 18, 2d Pel it-. 

are always sure, vide Gen. ii 17, Ex. xxii 23, 21, Numb, xiv 25, xxiii 19, 15, 1st 

Sam. xv 29, Eze. v 11, xii 25, 28, xxiv 1 1, .Mai. iii 6, Rom, ii 29, Ikb. vi 16-18, 2d Tim. u 13, 
Tit. i 2, James i 17, 2d Pet. ii 3, iii 9, Sic. and many « • t ' ' V 

and reformation, God alto ays punishes for sin— vide .1 ir. xtvHi 7-10. From ions it 

is clear that God will overthrow and destroy every nation that pel 
man Oppression. In corroboration of which doctrine, it is an awful fact, ' t 
nation and most modern ones, who have ; 

or reduced to slavish bondage ; a most ominous war,. a ho now pracl I 

cially do numerous passages of Scripture attest , that oppression of the poor is one 

of the greatest of sins. The severest judgments ireihvr 
-xx 19, xxiv 3, 7, 9, 14, Ps. x 2, 8, 9. xii 5, i 



KXnii 15-17, XXX 14, Eccl. v 8, Ua. lii 14, 15, XXXii 7, Jer. ii 54, xxh », Amos v 1 1, 12, tl — 
24, Hab. iii 14, James ii 6, and a groat number of other passages. Whore doctrines are so wa- 
ry plainly taught, perversions of the Scriptures to justify practises the Bible so severely repro- 
bates and condemns, must be excessively reckless, presumptuous and wicked. 

Slavery, as it exists in the U. Slates, is the highest degree and worst form of Human Op- 
pression. Let people beware then how they wrest the Scriptures to their own destruction. 
All must admit, that the whole spirit, genius and tendency of the Bible, as has been clearly 
shown, are utterly hostile to the practice of slavery. Common sense, therefore, teaches us, 
that the construing of some half a dozen text* extracted from the Levitical law and the life 
of Abraham, without comparing them with the rest of the Scriptures, and so as to make them 
support slavery, must necessarily be a most glaring- and blasphemous perversion of their true 
meaning. Is it crediblp, that the Almighty (who is no respecter of persons,) should establish 
a practice among his chosen people by law, on account of which same practice, rle had just 
before inflicted the most dreadful plagues on another nation, destroyed all their first born, and 
finally drowned their king and army by way of punishment ! Is it possible, that Abraham and 
the other patriarchs, practised the barbarities and abominations of modern slavery ? Did they 
differ in character or practice, from the holy prophets and apostles ?- vide Gen. vi 9, vii 1, xiii 
6, 9, xiv 22-24, xv 6, Eze. xiv 14, 20, Rom. iv 2, 3, Gal. in 6-. 9, Heb. xi 5-22, 2d Pet. ii 5. 
Is it crediblo, that the Almighty 'who is no respecier of persons' should ratify a practice in one 
nation that He punishes in another! Would the Almighty who is infinite in justice and good- 
ness, render the misfortunes of the poor, a motive for their enslavement and oppression ! Is it 
possible, that He should enact laws to protect and oppress the poor ai the same time ! Would 
He establish an institution which is the climax of human oppression, and at the same time 
condemn such oppression in every other part of the Bible ! Would He indirectly licence the 
commission of crimes, that He has directly condemned and forbidden ! Surely such mon- 
strous inconsistencies, contradictions and absurdities, ought not to be credible among christi' 
ana. And all candid persons will readily believe, that those who for the sake of supporting 
slavery and its hoirors, have in isted on the reality of such ridiculous contradictions, have 
basely perverted the true meaning of those parts of the Scriptures, which treat of the Hebrew 
Servitudes. 

The difference between the condition of ordinary servants and slaves is, that the natural 
rights of the former are always protected by law ; whereas slaves have no such rights to be 
protected, they being mere 'goods and chattels.' The rights of all white women, children and 
common servants, in the United States, are thus protected. Every body knows this to be the 
fact. All white servants enjoy the legal rights of Security, Liberty and property, and most of 
the other rights. Common Servitude and Slavery are entirely distinct things. The former is 
established for the benefit of the servants as well as the masters ; the latter for the benefit of 
the masters only. Hence, false pretences to the contrary notwithstanding, there is no such 
thing as white slavery in any part of the United States. If a white woman, child or servant, 
are treated with any degree of slavish violence or outrage, every body sees at once, that their 
rights are invaded the law broken, and that they can have adequate redress for such viola- 
tions, bylaw. The fact that numerous suits are brought in our courts of justice for such 
wrong3, proves this fact; as it does the propensity of mankind, to infringe rights and oppress 
each other, and the necessity of law for the protection of rights. So also were the natural and 
other rights of the Hebrew servants, most effectually protected by the Levitical law, as has been 
abundantly shown. It might as well be pretended that our poor laws and apprenticeship acts 
sanction slavery or involuntary servitude, as that the Levitical law establishing the Hebrew Ser- 
vitudes did. \V e have as much just reason to believe, that the Sermon on the Mount and the 
Twelfth chapter of Romans, were intended to support slavery, as that the Levitical law was. 
That part of it establishing the Servitudes, was made for the support of the poor and the ben* 
tfit of the servants, and not for their oppression, as our slave system is. 

If ha.* been frequently said in palliation of Amencan slavery, and as if one crime could justi- 
fy another, that l as much' oppression exists! in the northern fciotos as in the southern. A 
greir.er falsehood n*ver «vas uttered . ar.d the use of it proves e»W, lhat slavery can be support 




thing us **. oppression of the poor white, in .he Ih. CTJ3TL , ' "'"" '' "° ^ 
white people ,n thoso State, are made 'goods and chattel.' „ r } 7 "' lH,i,0rT, • N ° 

lik. beast,, compelled to W ork whhoul wage., It^*^ ^thi "^ ^ ' r "" d 
lined, as s;ave 9 arc. Their natural and other rinht, are Jner I ^ **»"*• br0 ' 

oppression, of the poor whites in thi. country,^ "X^U^TA W ^ 

institutions, and of the original meanmg of ancicnt ^^^^XT Z 
cnt.cs are agreed ,„ the allowance of this rut*. I, is well known fc! ,„ " II? ' \ i" 



lad 

than modern history The Pentateuch being rep L P ,h Id b l°^i 2 '7 "^ 

*ritica] study to be correctly understood. Til be p j ^ZJ ." ' "" SjJ 
means in that book, nothing more than bujinr 'bci- ------ P l ° f 6 ' <!/m? "*"« ' ,w!! ' 

xlv.i 13, 23, 28, and other passages,) already proves Vnd7. l" ??"" ',' ?a ] lhc l Con,ex, < Gen - 
was nothing more than a'fair coniract ^^ZZ^^Z n maK ST ? 
hire or wages. Also the word •>„„.,. used m the SLSfa! 1 7 ' , J™?"*" 

(vide Ex. xxi 6, Lev. xxv 46. Deut. « ,7,) is trans la d "a rT . ^l^"' 
meaning oTwhich is ,^o«, U. ** that is, S^^StlfiTlta? 




extend beyond the jubi.ee. (I^^irjr^^T^' ^ C " U ' d "' 
the whole 'term' from jubilee to jubilee o that part of a ,„ V \ i '' " «"? mC ° n 
contract, which amounts to Jhe^o'C StL'US; ' £ "S^t that £ 

atter d,d no Mil h.^w.th a murderous j** Such la the irlt of |he ^ cont , x( _ vif , 9 

';'* 14> , \ 3 ' 26 ' 2/ - : he Htbrew P hras ° 'throughout (he term,' is never intended to „• 

" m durafon, except where the subject matter treated of ,. such as to show that ?.« ■ 

context ofcach quotation will demonstrate. _ 



terms' mentioned in the Old Testament, as the 



Also, the Hebrew word (EM) rendered W me^ ^llZ^ZluT^Ti 
» the common noun fcr«ta^« in ail o; her parts of the Old Tee. men-. The' Greek, and 
Romans who practised slavery extensively, had „.r* in their languages co:re,pondi , exact- 

a most trange and unaccountable orcumstanre, on the supposition that slavery was fmmw 

u h ' I; IT 7 ■ ^l 0rddBed U ' herP - Th9 t8ndld -n— after Z^ 

Catholic corruption has crept even into the translation of the Scripture* 

* aXtT'? vT/ » J t eFCri P ,i0n ' " ie mU8f U " ive » a • "la of contraction «, their ^ 
prono ed Z: ( ,8 ' B, »^ Com. 6!;) that is, the oft^ or ea.se of the making of .h. law. 

under and n T? ""^ *" ^ ^ «"" '"'< "'" he, P "' mi ' C "' ' the C0 " PC « 

lv pror...ed fir the confirm* support •/ to. ?wr , „ n., poor laws are. No other 



21 

reason ■ given l>i '.heir enactment, either in the texts quoted or in any part of tin; Bi- 
ble except in ihe c : fsofd to make restitution. And the copious context already 
quoted show?, by the mild and merciful treatment the slaves were to receive, by the liberality 
with which Ibey wore to be rev arded and their wants supplied, by the extensive and beneficial 
rights they were invested with, but above all, by the stern injunctions for their freedom, at ihc 
years of release and jubilee, that there could not have been any other special reason in any 
case except the one above excepted. The Servitudes were also intended to be types of the. 
Messiah and his dispensation— vide Gen. xiv IS, Rom. viii 2'J, Col. 15, IS, Heb. vii I, 17, 
viii 5 ix 7, 24, X 1, and other passages. Besides, we should argue from the spirit of the sys- 
tem of which the rule to be criticised forms a part ; that is, in doubtful rases we should, in 
comparing the doubtful text with the context, observe the general effect ar,d tendency of the 
whole context, and decide according to that tendency ; always taking tare to lean in favor of 
equity, justice and liberty. With the light of this correct and moat useful rule to guide him, 
it will be impossible for any honest person to believe, that in a Book of Divine Revelation, 
which enjoins the practice of righteousness and justice in almost every page, the Almighty in- 
tended to establish or permit the most unrighteous and unjust practice in existence. 

After the creation, God made a grant of the dominion of ownership or properly over the 
earth, the brute creation, and all inferior things, to man, generally, (vide Gen. i 26, 28, Ps. 
viii 5,-S ;) thus proclaiming at the commencement, that all men alike have a right to hold 
property. This doctrine strikes at the root of slavery ; because slaves being themselves prop- 
erty, can hold none. In another respect also, the law of slavery directly contradicts the Law 
of God ; for if mankind are by God placed over the inferior works ol'his hands, how can they 
be lawfully classed with them ? Thus the reducing of human beings to the condition of prop^ 
erly, is direct blasphemy. For the Almighty never made any grant of the dominion of property 
to any pait of the human species over another. Not the least evidence of any such grant can be 
found in the Bible ; nor is there any thing in nature which indicates it. The dominion of civil 
and /<*m% government were ordained by God, for the preservation and education of families, the 
protection of rights, and the services of religion. And the dominion of tyrannical rule was 
sometimes threatened in the Scriptures, as a punishment for national sins. But the dominion of 
properly or ownership in man, being totally destructive of all his rights, is declared by the Law 
of God to be a crime punishable with death. The general grant of property in inferior things 
also proves, that all men have a Divine right to reside on any part of the globe they please. 
Hovt often is it said, that the American negroes and other colored people, ought to be trans- 
ported to Africa, and that they have no right to freedom and a residence in their native land. — 
Whereas every colored person in the world has a right given to him by his Maker, to reside 
in America or any where else, and in the full enjoyment of all his other rights. He has a di- 
vine right to live where he pleases. The pretence is therefore not only false but blasphemous. 
It is also absurd ; because if carried out, it goes to deny the right of every man to a residence 
any where, except where others say he ought to reside ! The proud whites of this guilty 
country, would probably dislike to have it said, that they had no right to reside in Europe or 
Africa, or any other [dace which false pretenders might please to except. They would resent 
the pretence as an insult to their common sense ; as the colored people of this country resent 
the pretensions of the Colonization Society. I could proceed in a similar way, to show at. 
great length, how slavery either directly or indirectly conflicts to some extent or other, with 
every other rule of the Law of Revelation. But it is presumed, that what has been written is 
abundantly sufficient, to prove beyond all reasonable doubt and controversy, that slavery is one 
of the greatest of crimes or sins against that holy Law, as it is revealed in the Scriptures. 

I next proceed to show, that slavery is one of the greatest of crimes against the Law of Na- 
ture. 

The Law of Natsre, technically so called, is the Law of God, as discovered and seen thro' 
the medium of Ills Works. The indications afforded by the nature of men and things around 
n=, and the nature of the relations |hey sustain to each other, unveil its principles, and enable 
iia to demonstrate and classify many of its rules very clearly. It is sometimes denominated 
the '.V . .' and by other names. When properly 



25 

defined as applicable to the regulation of human conduct, it is, 
of the greatest fitness and propriety in comparison with others, to prot ■ 
human happiness. Whatever rules of conduct are the most useful, belong to the Law of v < 
All virtuous impulses are sure indications of these rules; though viciou it, but 

the reverse ; and yet as the former always precede the latter, it is geoerallj easy for virtimui 
minds, to distinguish the title rules of this great Law. In such minds, a i 
science is the almost infallible guide. In general, whatever is most natural and at Ih 
time most useful, is a rule of the Law of Nature. So if any mode of action cm/ or ten 
well, we may be sure it is a rule of this Law. Many of these rules are so natural and obvi- 
ous, that men left to their own free agency and without any great temptation to error, instini - 
lively pursue them. This is strictly true of the most important rules. This is the principal n a- 
son, of the great excellence of the rules of the Common Law so called, most of which grew uj> 
as it were with the common people; and hence the common saying, that 'Common L 
Common Sense.' This is also the cause, of the excellence of the laws of the ancient German?, 
so much admired by Tacitus and Montesquieu. And whatever of excellence we tind in lite 
laws and customs of heathen nations, who have been without the light of the Law of R 
lion, is derived from the great Law of Nature. And the superior excellence of the law 
customs of christian nations, is owinw to the presence of the greater light of the Law of Reve- 
lation. The Law of Nature is abundantly recognized as the Law of God, and its oblig 
enforced as such, in the Scripture? — vide Gen. i 31, Ps. viii, 3—8. xix 1 — J, civ 1—31, c\i 
2 — 8, John ix 3, Acts, xiv 17, xvii 24—28, 1st Cor. xi 14, and many otlu i \, l,,r- 

ever the works of God are appealed to in the Scriptures, the Law of Nature is alluded lo. But 
though the Scriptures recognize this great Law, and represent it as consonant with the J 
Revelation, (as it strictly is); they yet inform us that it is very dim and uncertain ; vide Job 
v 9, ix 4—10, xxxvii 14—23, Ps. xl 5, Rom. xi 33, let Cor. i 21, 1st Tim. vi 16, and other 
passages. It is alluded to in Rom. ii 14; where it intimated, that the Law of Nature ... 
pursued to advantage. And crimes against this Law are reprobated in tbe Scriptures ; 
Lev. xviii 21 — 30, xx 23, Deut. xviii 9, Rom. i 26, Eph. v 12, Jude 10, and other passages. — 
All crimes against the Law of Revelation are also crimes against this Law ; though this fact 
will not appear in several cases, without considerable study and information. And we are in- 
formed in the Scriptures, that this Law is so blind and dubious, (Acts, xvii 30,) that the nreai- 
est allowances will be made by the Creator and final Judge, for the conduct of men destitute 
of the Law of Revelation, All human experience has confirmed the truth of this alleged un.- 
certainty of this great Law. 

As we discover the laws of Matter by experiment and observation, so we discover the rules 
of the great Law of Nature, (sometimes called the Rules of Morality or Natural Religion "i 
the Religion of Nature,) by the same means. Some of these rules are very plain ; otbi I 
ceedintdy obscure. And owing to this obscurity, the heathen moralists who had no other light 
to guide them, and who made the greatest advances in the physical sciences, differed jreatly 
among themselves, on many most important points of morality. This Law is in fact BO ol 
that had it not been for express revelation, all human codes must have consisted of most v. 
ed rules of action. As it is, the best codes are had > nongh with express revelation, and must 
have been much worse without it, as all heathen codes and systems of laws will testify. Ma- 
ny christian codes are also excessively corrupt, owing to the abuses and perversions of Chris- 
tianity. The Law of Revelation is so plain, copious and perfect, that nothing mi 
sary to make the most perfect human codes, than to infuse the sniril of it into ail human 
lation. And '.he only reason why there is so much imperfection and wickedness in so many 
christian codes, is (he neglect or the perversion of this spirit. 

But though some rules of human conduct are very obscurely indicated in the Law . ; ■ - 
ture, there are others of the greatest importance that are very plain. And the benevolence of 
the Deity is strongly exhibited by the fact, that the most important rules are the moot clearly 
indicated. For instance : this Law clearly indicates or teaches, the natural republican equality of 
all mankind who have arrived to years of discretion. The facts, that adult persons by nature 
possess nearly equal abilities, capacities and wants both bedily and mental ; that they have 



their natural rights ; ilic sai to uk- 

nd and use them properly ; the same disposition to vindicate llieir security, resent tlie.ii 
infringement and deplore their loss ; and the same necessity for their possession and use, to 
e Hit equal prosperity and happiness of all, exist to prove clearly, that these rights b 
men alike, as their original inheritance from the bounty of their Creator. On the othej 
ham!, the striking fact, that the diminution of public and private happiness, is exactly in pro - 
on as the natural rights are imperfectly understood and unequally distributed ; and above 
a!!, the total annihilation of rational happiness, security and tranquillity, where a majority or a 
large proportion of the community, 'are wholly deprived of all rights by tlavery, proves, that 
all human oppression and especially slavish oppression, is wholly unnatural and destructive to 
human happiness, and therefore a most flagrant transgression of the Law of Nature. Nature, 
so to speak, has created no monarchy, nor aristocracy, nor slavery, nor other tyranny, nor even 
servitude without full compensation, among adults. The subjection of children to" their parents, 
or in lieu thereof of wards to their guardians, and to a small extent, of wite jam's, 

are indicated as rules of this Law. But as a wonderful mark of the benevolence of the Crea- 
tor, and as if to show that He has forbidden all tyranny, or abuse of the power which (his sub ■ 
Q confers, and all other tyranny whatever, He has united with these relations, the strong- 
est natural tore and affection. And excepting these two cases of husband and wile, and parent 
and child or guardian and ward, all the human government in the world, is founded either on 
contractor usurpation 

Slavery of the human species, is not indicated at all. No man is by nature born a slave ; 
nor ever becomes one, except by ineaus of criminal force and violence." AH men are born 
equally free. Nor is any man born a master. No child is born with a fetter on his heel or a 
whip in his hand, or with a -disposition to submit to either. All the laws and customs of slav- 
ery, arc therefore mere wicked usurpations and impositions, in contempt and opposition to the 
Law of Nature. The natural rights are a part of every person's identity. Their alio 
and respect is natural to all virtuous persons; and they are never infringed without a con- 
sciousness of crime, except by habitual transgressors. Human Slavery is not a natural but 
niary evil, the work of wicked men's wicked invention ; and is therefore a great crime 
or sin, against this great and holy Law. 

Brute slavery is clearly indicated. The facts, that brutes have too little reason to be useful 
unless they are enslaved, and that they have just intelligence enough to be useful if they are 
enslaved ; that their bodies are fitted for slavish uses ; thul they have slavish natures, and that 
man alone has reason enough to enslave them, and improve their servitude to the highest ad- 
vantage, both to himself and thorn ; and that when well used, they arc actually 'better off' in 
a state of slavery than of freedom, all demonstrate, that brutes were designed to be slaves, and 
slaves to man their master. In this respect the Law of Nature exactly coincides with that of 
Revelation. 

We may readily know that human slavery is a great and plain breacli of the Law of Naturt , 
by observing the constant misery and destruction of human happiness it produces, to all who 
are in any way concerned or affected by its operation. Nature revolts at human slavery, and 
is always at open war with it. All slaves are in a constant state of secret if not open rebellion. 
And this is so well understood by their neighbors, that all slave countries keep in a constant 
state of preparation and guard against it. The fact also appears, from the most wma 
wicked, barbarous and bloody means necessary for the support of slavery. There is not a 
acknowledged to be such even by heathens and barbarians, who never had any olh'ei 
light but that of nature to guide them, but what is daily and hourly perpetrated in all slave 
countries, for the support of the abomination. Unnatural violence, threats, oaths and blasphe- 
my, assaults and batteries, mayhem and murder, and cruelties of every description, are the 
daily and hourly concomitants, of this most nefarious iniquity. Nothing can be more abundant 
than the proof of these dreadful facts. Let Mr Jefferson be the only witness called for the 
present. "There must doubtless," says this great man, in his notes on Virginia, "be an un- 
happy influence on the manners of the people, produced by the existence ol slavery among us. 

slave, is a perpetual exercise ol" the most hoist- 



. 

other. Our children id learn to imitate it ; 

The parent storms ; the child looks on, catches the lineaments 

airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of ; ■■ •.-- 

ited, and dail) iy, cannot but be stamped by it with odi 

ities. The man must be a prodigy, who can i 
such circumstai 

So the Law of Nature enacts opposition 
pulse of all virtuous and uncorrupted minds, to resist and punish violnlio 
And this impulse is as natural and irresistable, 
minds. All honest minds revolt at the spectacle of slavish o 
take ic injured party, and long to punish 

srave cruelties, arc greatly shocked at chibitibn ; and only • 

by witnessing frequent repetitions. And this instinctive indignati 
cruelties in * ms. is a clear proof of the natural sinfulu 

iation of the Law bf Nature. Hence also the reason, why i 
blitionists. It is only by long exposure to the hardening infl le 
come callous to their natural sense of justice and humanity. 

The Law of Nature impels all uncorrupted n 
persons from bondage. This impulse is so natural, th 
come hardened to the sufferings of their fellow men. Such too is the plain 
of Revelation. If man oppresses his fellow man, and especially if ho en 
ders it our imperative duty, to take the part of the person inji 
a thousand other pa plainly leach this doctrine, bot 

pretence therefore, that the slavish oppressions of this country are "none of the busim 
ibolitionists, i<= open blasphemy. 
Many persons when inveighing against the 
slavery to be some necessary evil; and us if there was some iturat cause for it, as in th< 
of brute slavery. While others as M'Duffie, Bellinger <§-c., have had the blasphemous 
ty to assert, that it is consistent with nature, and therefore 'a pra< 
stone of our republican edifice &c.' Whereas no such pretended 01 
either for the commencement or the continuance of slavery. The Law 

stred wholly by natural indications, contains no statute or rule for the en 
• beings. No one human being is born a slave, or with a greater teudenc 
sity to slavery, than another. Liberty is as natural, as ind as useful, 

another; to the black man as to the white ; and is absolutely necessary to all human b< 

il all the duties indicated to rational beings by nature, 
mauds of God. There is the s'at i i of perfect freedom. | 

one race of men as another. The nature and value of Human Eti 
stood, as highly appreciated, as earnestly desired, and i< 
other. And every sophistical argument that can be employed; (o 

people, applies •••.• i Lh equal force, if it can be ti 
white or other coloured ones'. The same blasphemous 

very :n this country, are used with the same, effect in Russia and Turkey. The 
in their application. The ' 
in His Works ithid Providence only, is \ 
and vindicates the natural equality of Human I 
Word does. [., fact, the < nsfavi n< i t ol 
not a natural, but an artificial, fa :l 
ted in defiance, contempt arid breach ol tl 
brks, and of 

1 



28 

ous, wicked and destructive means are always necessary for its support. The means used to 
commit murder are not more unnatural. It is as impossible to commit the crime of slavery 
without the use of criminal means, as it is that of murder or any other acknowledged crime. 
The natural evils such as .disease, sickness, pain, death i$-c., are what we cannot avoid; and 
we are compelled to 6iifTer them, whether we will or not. But no man was ever yet com- 
pelled to support or suffer slavery himself, in the exercise of his free agency, any more than 
he was to support murder or any other clime ; which clearly shows that slavery is not a 
natural evil, or 'blessing'. It is a voluntary 'necessity' only that upholds slavery. The pre- 
tences therefore of Gov. M'Duffte and others, that slavery is an institution indicated by nature 
and good policy, and therefore just and right, are as false and scandalous as they are danger- 
ous and wicked. Slavery requires the aid of almost every crime against the Law of Nature, 
but derives no support from this great and holy Law itself. 

I ought here to add, that the Law of God renders all the Natural Rights inalienable, ana 
tmforfeilable for any thing but the commission of crimes. It does this by enjoining the con- 
tinual practice of duties, and of course the continual exercise of those rights. As we have no 
richt to omit the constant discharge of those duties, so we have no right to part with the means 
(our Natural Rights) of enabling us to discharge them ; for if we had such a right, we should 
also have the right to neglect all the duties enjoined on us by our Maker ; which is absurd. 
The possession and use of our natural and other just rights, is thus as much our Divine duty, 
as right and privilege ; and if we or others alienate or infringe them, except for the commis- 
sion of crimes, we rob God as well as man, and commit one of the greatest of crimes. This 
is the true doctrine of the inalienable nature of Human Righls ; which can never be infringed 
without crime, except upon forfeiture by crime. It is unnecessary to quote passages from the 
Bible, to show that all manner of overt crimes are punishable in this world, according to their 
various demerits, with the deprivation of the natural rights of security, liberty, propeity, safety 
and even life. The Law of Nature indicates the same deprivation, for the same guilty causes. 
Self defence is commonly and correctly stated to be, the first law of Nature. When attacks 
are made on I he peace and safety of society by crimes, it naturally and justly puts this law in 
force, in depriving the criminal of the power of doing further mischief, by taking from him such 
a portion of his natural rights, as may be necessary for that purpose. 

Some corruptionists neglecting the Law of God entirely, attribute no higher a derivation to 
rights, than a human source ; contending in ordei to justify the abomination of slavery, that 
men have no rights except what they derive from each other j that is, from laws, customs and 
constitutions made by men. This is also the common mistake of many honest persons, who 
suppose all our rights are derived from the governments under which we live ; and that men 
have no rights except what they acquire in this way. That a certain class of infidels, should, 
for the sake of slavery, raise this pretence, was to be expected ; but for christians to harbor it 
for a moment, is as absurd as it is sinful. For as has been abundantly shown, all our just 
Rights, like our lives, our reason and other faculties and powers, and our enjoyments, are the 
gift of God ; and like our other blessings, are to be always used agreeably to the precepts 
of His holy Law. There is not however much danger, that this blasphemous heresy, the on- 
ly tendency of which is to destroy the free exercise of all rights, and overthrow all republican 
freedom and institutions, will gain extensive allowance. Society is much too enlightened for 
its "-eneral encouragement. As our rights are the gift of our Maker, in the manner already 
stuted all human governments, laws, customs, constitutions and institutions which annul or 
infringe them, are oiere blasphemous usurpations and impositions, and have no moral force or 
obligation whatever. Liberty and rights being good and necessary for the welfare of mankind, 
are the gifts of God, (vide James i 17,) and whatever power violates them, violates and abuses 
God's gift. Both the Word and the Works of God proclaim the existence and inalienable na- 
ture of Human Rights ; and for men to deprive each other of them for any cause except crime, 
is a most blasphemous violation of God's Law. Governments and laws are established, not 
to give, but to protect and vindicate rights. And when their end is so perverted as to produce 
a contrary effect, they are radically corrupt, and need radical reformation. 

1 have heard it asserted, that the doctrine of the Supremacy of the Law of God over those of 



men. was a dangerou lal the prcacbii 

maintained by infidels, for the sake of slavery and oilier cum i •. 

dangerous tn slavery and all other crimes, is admitted. Olhi r« i 
tioh of true liberl) in -the world. Annihilate this doctrine, and de?| 

umphant every where. Vor if our rights are derived from God, and are inali . U - laws. 

ihe majority o£.fl&fen have no right to deprive the rninori , hnvn 

the minority or a single despot a right to usurp rights. And whoever dm 
in the person- deprived I :., the deprivation, commits a breach of the I' 

of mere usurpation of Divine rights, which may lawfullyand justly be* resumed at any ti 
Hut if our rights are derived wholly from men, and tlu/er wills are the just measure of Human 
blights, the majority or any minority that can usurp the supreme power, m Ice any 

laws, customs > hatever, and justly oppress the rest of mankind as much u 

they please! There will be no Human Rights whatever, except the rights of the strongest 
and such other rights a d 3U ih brily, as they think fit to allow. There can be no 
injustice in the Btrong sst party ; for to admit that there could be, is to admit a higher stand ird of 
right and wrong than their own wills. According to this theory, all the tyrants the WOl I I 
saw, stand completely justified ; such is the horrible result to winch this infidel doctrine li 
If Human Rights are not derived from God, they ore not ///.> gifts, and neithi .-r mi- 

norities are accountable for tneir abuse. The mob or any other tyrants may justly (Ample on 
the rights of individuals with .impunity. To such shocking consequences or rathei ib urditiei 
does this blasphemous heresy lead. The true doctrine as already proven is, that the m 
have no right to trample on the Divine or natural rights of the minority; in any wav. It they 
do, they are accountable to God for such abuse of power, and will he surely pun 
abuse, both here and hereafter. Our just rights are all derived fr >m our Maker, who h 
commanded us to exercise thorn continually, it must be a blasphemous crime to take them awav 
from any body, except upon forfeiture for crimes. 

1 will here notice another very dangerous heresy, which has frequently been adopted by learn- 
ed and good men. It is the doctrine, that when men enter into society and submit 
ernment, they abandon apart of their natural rights. Many plausible pretences are set 
justify this false doctrine, which wo need not take up room to criticise, for the falsity of the doc- 
trine is nearly self evident. Common sense teaches us all, that we unite in civil societies', to 
gain mora security, more liberty and mora property and other privileges, thin we can enjoy in a 
state of naturo or natural society as it is called, without any union, government or I , 
us. Governments and laws are or ought to be made, to protect the whole of the rights of their 
subjects; not to annul or diminish them. The great object and end of all political society and or- 
ganization, is 01 ought to be, to preserve men's rights entire. Very true it is, that this great end 
is generally perverted by wicked people and rulers, und all societies and governments th 
rendered more or less imperfect and oppressive. But this is not the fault of the original design 
of such institutions, as enjoined by their Divine Author. We have no authority from Him to a- 
buse any of His gifts. And if wo are careful to separate the abuses of civil government from the 
institution itself, we shall soon discover, that its groat and only object, it; Divint purpose i J , to 
secure in full exercise, all the just rights that men possess as the gift of their Creator. 

1 proceed lastly to show, that human slavery is a great crime against the Common Law. 

This is easily done; because it is so easy for people who live under the protecli i thai law, 

to see bow and why and when their own rights are invaded, and how it is that those ru 
protected and vindicated. They have only to place the slurs in their own ii. em- 

selves in the place of the slaves, in imagination, and the work of instruction is almost nei II 

The Common Law so called, is th li great collection of rules and maxims of hum n action and 
conduct, contained in the bi rtaand elementary legal treatises, which compose the li- 

braries of lawyers, (vide 1 lilac. Com. 71)i and being as I hare already hinted, derived in part 
From the Law of Nature, and consonanl with that great Law in its geoe.-al spirit, is undoubtedly 
the most perfect Aumaneode extant. It first commenced in Germany in vfiry anoienl tim 
thence introduced into England by the Anglo Sas i I w is introduced into this eoun try 

by its early settlers, and is here the customary code of the country, in the same sense that tho 
English language, manners and customs are customary. Monl il is the only syati m 

of human law, that has civil liberty for its principal object; and we ought tin r< fori to edl 
as our rich inheritance. Its general spirit admirably agrees \\ ith the precepts of ihe Bible ; and 
whatever imperfections it possessos, are derived from Die encra u brnents of aristocracy, (which 
has to some degree moulded it, ) on the natural rights. Aristocracy, of which the practice of 
slavery is the highest grade, will always where it has the powej 

cm just rights. The aristocratical blemishes of the Common Law, are i tare of 

bur republican principles and in : s, and as such are ■■■ this country; 

while all its just, equitable principles are retained and used, except in the case if thi pooi 
So far as regards the rights, safety and happiness of these unfortunate peo| o < 

is annihilated, and a ] itism substituted in its taction 



30 

t in air; way. U is used on ' v 



*tf ftE and Calient law, guarantees to all human bmngs wi "StSlut. cl! 

its proration, the free use of all ^'^.^itKKt!? «* aot - ™ t&0U \ a 
144. No person can mfr.ngc any of ttcse rights n the leau i J , J , ree ^Ye<l, from al- 
plain breach of that law, which affords adequa « rem t ^-^ ^ ^ 

most every breach that can occur. 1 1 us criminal inreare . ^ ^ mdictan , ( . 

kidnapping and False imprisonrnent winch are U e component part*. ^/j^, 21S . „ al 
offences at common law, and severely poniabab e uy i darna g e8 , for the wrongs and su.- 

gives private or civil remedies m copg gfl 138 It arTdla summlfry and immediate 
feriogs of the injured party; v»de 3 Mto. ' CoiiuMO, i«. ^ ^ ;; ventive 

^b^XS^^''^""^^ l ° l "° impe "' Kti0 " ° rh " n,a " "' 

gencv, they may in some cases be administered^ , Tyranny is. !• 

fe Slavery is not a crime against the , common law '^^ZenHiB^. 00^^7,218)-, and 
is called in that law' 'Assault and Battery and ^W™^'^ of lhe offence, by fine and 
is severely punishable by that law, *^W***W"™ r ^™ nt living under the juris- 
impr.sonment. Were this crime to *™"^ ^^J™£ nB \tj attending the mildest 
diction and protection of the Common Law * th c ncum a nceeo ^ of ^ 

forms of American Slavery, and were the °™ de ^ ™gj "rime ol*Xi*«m*Vi ( 4 Blac. Com, 
it would cost him every thing short of las life, B o_ too tW « «S to lhe offend . 

oi<) ^ the severest punishment ot the same kind, i* h> the common a atrocious 

!^«155S?« b >' "'V^r 1 "T^^hrKr^rt^otHrtseM-ve. ft**. 
crimes against the rights of white people a, the *«S«£™ . the blic scnt „nent ol this 
reference to the rights of ^^^^^t^SSSSL coloured persons, some ol them 
cor.upt country, hardly ™y offence at all J" ou ^n d S() , d ,,,/,, eris hed in hopeless 

^-t^^Z^^X El5£ business not deserving of serious no- 

tiC SLery is also the highest species of *,***.■ and is as rmieh worse ,h.n J™**^ 
as all the natural rights put together, are more valuab e t ha pet - » * f ;1H(lUiel , ty 

ra0 n Robbery is defined »&£"*H$ S %f^ takes mles Jl their natural rights, 
putting him in fear! ! vide 4 Blac, Com. 24~. tela u rj i |>oin n . vlcUnM 

Ai, fAtm mofcw ; and is therefore rea robbery of the ^highest k . ^ ^., . 

■\ their Security, Liberty, Property and other Rights M J the iniquity. At Common 
in/ear. Constant fear and terror arc the only agents used to up h o >< 'I Thousands of 

Law, slaveholders are all criminals, of « Itejl u.| -and « ™ - «e ^ ffl ftnd 

them are felons deserving ol cap.tal punishment for the c «n«oM J l y b £ accessories to 
tnurder, committed on the persons ol *-" Mph-> ■JjJ^ £ JJ2S be fr«H 
£MS2. £ ^!^X^Hc-:,T f ni^V they^ht to be, then and not I 

a mar, to sell himself for a ,^c, .lie consideration of the "^i™*™ , Jo a &fi 

no property, (he not having a ng*l to own any,) he mo ney o, otter c 

well as the slave himself, belong to the garter only. 1 his fact ■ bowi ^ U|:it 

sales are void at Common Law; vide 1 Blac. Com. 424. A id s » on ^ , 

h lW , all human right, are ...alienable. By that law '^"f^^f^ ne contract is void. 

at3SIS^« , S^T^r-=rt fiSCSSii. U or, 

ever made in the United States/ ^ series of ^^.^^ w] , lj(1] , 

JSi^^&^j-sRsraKS.'Esff 
^js^JiiK!ttwissa5srss.A 



:ommon law in their hands, have .ill united to use then owhVig 
crs, tu enslave and otherwise oppress the coloured population; or, simplj in u« 
rights to injure and destroy those of tin: slaves. Thu principal cause or pn nduct 

ion, the operation of thu great slave maxim, that 'slavi 
benefit and protection of legal maxims. Legal justice has thus given place to legal ii 
winch has rendered the slaves all outlaws, m a professedly free country ! Another ■:*■ 
excellent maxim is, that 'no man shall lake advantage qfkis own wrong. 1 Bui thi 
ar.d tlieir iViends and supporters, take every wicked advantage of their own wrongs 
ate slavery and abuse the slaves. They deprive the Blaves of freedom, ami then 
arsthus deprived, continue to enslave them. They brutalize, corrupt and degrade the 
■ind then pretend they are unfit for freedom, and so ought to remain in si ivery. They .N;i r i \ •• 
them of all literary knowledge, and then pretend liny are too ignorant u> mahi i proper use "i 
rights, and ought therefore 10 remain deprived of them. Tiny depr'n a hem of a linary 

means of grace, and correct knowledge of duty, and then pretend thej i trust- 

ed with liberty. They enslave and brutalize them to that degree, that they air as they | I 
wholly unfit for freedom, and then because they are thus unlit, they refuse i" liberate thorn I In 
short, to use a homely metaphor, 'they tie their feet, and then blame them bc< an-- tie \ 
walk.' In the spirit of the slaveholding contempt of this maxim, is the prol 

of slave laws Ac. I once heard a person insist on the necessity and praise the excellence, of 
the slave laws and customs of Georgia and other slave, slates in whirb he had lived. This 
me think of the necessity and excellence of the regulations of Nero ami Rob - ii rtc; ! I 
monsters had or pretended to have, laws to. justify their wholesale ilfurder with. First, by means 
of one great crime (slavery), produce the necessity for other ci imes slave laws and custoi 
support it, and then plead this necessity m their justification I With such bl tsphemous sophis- 
try are all tyrannical law?, customs ami authority supported Criminal i, 
produced by his own crimes, is every tyrant's plea. Slavery is one crime, anil slave lav 
customs are other crimes used to support man-stealing ; ami the onl;j 
they have, is in the facility and security they furnish, for the commission of this gre 
is another maxim, that 'noni arc bound />;/ contracts or laics, but parties and pi Bui 

the slaves are never considered as parties to any law or contract, they not bavm- the righl to 
make either; nor are they ever privies, any more than brutes are. And vet they are h< M n-~- 
ponsd.le to the laws : and are bound by all contracts made respecting them by others. It is an. 
other maxim, that 'every wrong shall have its reihedy,' Hut slave wrongs have no rem* dies. No 
slave is over allowed any legal redress, for the daily and hourly civil and criminal injuries 
He is never permitted to sue in a court of law, because he lias no such right. 
- unprotected and defenceless. The law which is a shield to others, is to him a scourco 
only. Me is an outlaw or without the protection of law; and without crime on his part, in bis 
own native land. If he offends against law which he had no agency in making, he is subj 

oallies of the most barbarous slave code that ever existed; hut if others offend 
him, he rs without redress! lie has all the responsibilities of the law, without any of its pro- 
tection. I might in the same manner proceed to show, how slavery in its operation on the slaves, 
tramples on every other righteous maxim and rule of the Common Law, fur the sake of wrong- 
ing and abusing the slaves. But the subject is too plain to need any further illustration. 

Thus too I might proceed to particularize, and show how slavery tramples on, crushes, ami 
wholly annuls, all the inferior subordinate rights of the slaves, clearly belong 
mon Law; such as the right to apply to courts of justice for redress ,.| em! injuries; the right 
to petition for redress of grievances ; the right to acquire education ; the right of 
the right to bear arms. Ac. But this would be Superfluous; because, Slaves havt no rights.' — 
This bl txirh tramples on the whole common law, and annuls the application of it 

to the c ise of slaves. 

I have now proved, that slavery is not only a great crime against tin- Common Law, but that 
it is utterly hostile to 'its sjririt and genius. The Common Law is extrerm ly republican in its 
structure; its general rules and maxims arc in the highest degree equal, just and equitable : while 
slavery its antagonist is pure unmixed despotism. Tie' < 'ommon Law naturally I. ads to im 
ment in the moral and social condition of mankind : while slavery tends onl n I de- 

grade it. Wherever the Common Law prevails, wise and wholesome statute laws' are midc 
from time to time, to remedy its defects and improve the condition bl its subjects ; l":t un I 
deapvaism of slavery, statutes relative to slaves are seldom made for any .other purpose, but to 
brutalize, oppress and degrade them. Light and darkness, holiness and sin, are hard!;. 
opposed to each other, than the Common Law and Slavery are. They are always direct antag- 
md wherever the one prevails, the other always falls. 
Slavery has been legalized in the United States by custom. It is a customary, not a constitu. 
tional right. But it is a custom which has prevailed in defiance of the Common Law. It is a 
heathen custom, originally adopted by 1 christians, from the African negroes! Blackstone lays 
down seven rules as criteria lor the allowance of all general customs whatever, (vide I I 
<Jom. 76—79) ; of the most of which criteria, all slave custbms are direct and sc tndalous . 



3*2 

tions. They are the worst customs in the world. They have therefore prevailed in defiance ot 
ie great Common Law maxim, that 'Bad custom are to be abolished -v.de 1 Blac. torn 76.- 
Tto Common Law is itself legalized by custom, in its apphaatton to the rights of our white pop- 
V • „j £", n r ;,« , „!ps ,s thus aDOlied. will bear the lest of Biackstone's criteria. But 

[nfahame^ul S s Z S SToSS^Bft in deciding upon the allowance of slave custom,, 
ave e all those criteria which condemn slavery, wholly as.de. Better justice has been usual- 
y administered in Algiers by Turkish judge,, than by the American Bench to Arpencan slaves. 

Bv the Common Law, all slavery is a mere usurpation of r.ght; as is ...slant y felt whenever 
the riahts of our white people are outraged. By that Law, no property in any thing stolen vests 
n the thief or his beirs, al against the rightful oicner. Neither does its produee or increase ev- 
er thus vest The rightful owner or his hews, can upon due proof recover them at any time.— 
So if the thief setts the stolen property, neither the buyer or his heirs acquires any title to .t as 
avaimt the lawful owner. By thai Law too, every man is under God his own owner ; and who- 
ever steals kidnaps, purcha.es or enslaves h.m, can acquire no title to him or his services, or to 
his nosteri'v as slaves. It is also a common law maxim, that 'the rec ei ver is as bad as the thief; 
which proves that at common law, slave-AcMng is a. criminal as slave-trading or kidnapping. 
By the Common Law all the natural rights are inalienable; because the considerations of their 
sale, and other alienations must fail; no slave having a right to hold those pre ended considera- 
tions as before stated; vide 1 Blac. Com. 424. These rules show, that all slave titles are 
mere Wicked usurpations, committed in defiance of the Common Law. A I slave laws, cus- 
toms authority and titles are Eternal Wrongs; and all slave traders and slave holders are a- 
moni-the greatest of criminals, by the Law of God and all just laws of- 

,UW " P it t * I ' .!...» U.r tlio Trim />*■ i\*tti:>n<; 

It may be well to remark 
entitled to the cultivated se: 
and perfect itself and its in: 
Vattel, 22, 80-98. So by 






Ttmavbe well to remark in conclusion, that by the Law of Nations, every sovereign state is 
entitled to the cultivated serVices, skill and abilities of all its inhabitants; in order to preserve 
and perfect itself and its institutions, and promote its highest felicity, ability and glory ; vide 
Vattel 1 22 8(3-98. So by the same Law, all its inhabitants have the r.ght and du y both to 
perfect their skill to the utmost, for the good of their country, but slavery utterly prohibits 
ihese effects ; and thereby hinders the resources and weakens the delences of every country in 
which it prevails. Free nations are vastly stronger than slavish ones ; as . aU history shows l- 
S these and other respects, slavery is also a manifest violation of the spirit oi the Law ot Na- 

tl °The Common Law doctrine of Rights is too important to be omitted in this connexion, and 
is therefore here added to the foregoing doctrines. 

In a countrv where so much has been sow about Rights, this notice would seem almost su- 
perfluous For in no other country on the globe, has such noise and parade been made about 
Rishts as in this; about human rights, equal rights, natural rights, just rights, republican rights, 
democratic rights, federal rights, national rights, sacred rights, inalienable rights, 'sailors' rights,' 
American rights, Divine rights, and all other soils of Rights. And it is probable, that in no oth- 
er country have all just rights been more outraged and trampled on ; one sixth part of the whole 
population being deprived of all rights whatever, and constantly exposed to the infliction of ev- 
ery possible wrong and outrage, without responsibility on the part of the oppressors, or redress 
to themselves. It will be of great use to know distinctly, what these rights are, of which these 
poor people are so unjustly and wickedly deprived. •„',,, 

There are a variety of books that treat of Human Rights ; especially the legal treatises in the 
libraries of lawyers. But there are two books, which on account of the precision and energy 
with which they define and vindicate these Rights, have obtained a just pre-eminence over oth- 
ers. These are, the Holy Bible and Blackstone's Commentaries. 

Of these two Books the Bible is by far the most copious and energetic, in its vindication of 
all just Human Rights'. We have already observed the perfection of the Law of Revelation in 
this respect; and that Law I affirm to be a perfect law in all respects; as the most critical exam- 
ination will prove. Such is its care to protect the just rights of all men, that it is impossible for 
one man to infringe the just rights of another, without his conduct being condemned in the Bi- 
ble as a crime, and threatened with the vengeance of the Almighty. Every such violator must 
offend if not directly against the letter of some particular precept or command, yet certainly a- 
"ainst the whole spirit of the Scriptures ; as a critical examination will show. A sufficient num- 
ber of Scripture passages have been quoted in this Lecture, to raise this presumption already.— 
And as God's Law reaches to the 'thoughts and intents of the heart', and commands us to 'pro.e 
all things', it necessarily must be so. On this account, I have long considered the Bible as the 
most republican book in the world. . ' * , c , 

In the fust volume of Biackstone's Commentaries, the number, nature and extent ot theso 
RiffhtB are donned and doscribed with great precision,— vide 1 Blac. Com. 129 &c. Accord- 
ing to this celebrated author, the Absolute Natural Rights, about the inalienable natme of which 
so much is said are THREE in number, viz : 1st, the right of Personal Securitt ; 2d. the right 
of Personal Libert y, and 3d, the ri«ht of Private Property. Allthose three great Rights are 
the gift of God himself, to every human being; as is abundantly clear from all parts of the Bible, 
in the manner alreadv stated ; and as the Law of Nature discovered by natural indications, clear- 



ly domonptratfl". He must have intended this ; or II* 

absolutely neoessary to all men, to enable thorn to obey His comma 

f'oro alionato them from himself 01 others, or destroy or infringe tliem. v 

crime against God'a Laws, find withoul blasphemy of some kind against 

can they be lawfully taken from any human being, except us a punishment for Ih 

of crime. Nor can they be lawfully subjected to any human chock or con) 

t® prevent their exerciso interfering with rbeil use by others. 'J'! 

Rights is ono of tho most important unci solemn, thai can engage the attention of i 

ery norson in his own case fuels that it is so. 

The first absolute Right or that of Personal Security, consists according to Blacl 
free and uninterrupted uso and enjoyment, of our lives, limbs, bodies, honlih and reputat 

Tho seoond absolute Right or that of Personal Liiiertv, consists in tho free and uointen 
privilege of loco-motion, or of going, staying and returning, whither, where, when, am' 
please. 

Tho third absolute Right or that of Private Propertt, consists in the free and i 
privilege, of acquiring, using, aliening, and disposing of as our own exehisi' of rm' 

ural objects or substances except human beings. The express grant ef all those things teal 
kind alike, (Gen. i 26, 28,) necessarily excludes the right of property or owners: i 
each other. 

'•'hose three groat Absolute Natural Rights belong equally to all mankind, 

itances, ages or relations may bo. But there are certain other Rights whicl 
part of mankind possess, in consequent of certain r$lalions they general!] each 

othor, and which are thenco called RtiuHve Rights. These are, the Rights of husband on 
of parent and chili-'. and icard, and of master and servant ; vide 1 Blac. Com. lii\i, 

All these Rights for tho reasons before mentioned, arc likewise the gift of G 
Henahlc. 

TIici'o arc t^'o other kinds of Rights, tho benefit if not the possession of which I 
mankind, and which aught to bo possessed and used as just occasion requires, by all porsonu 
who can ju9tly and lawfully possess them, and who aie capable of using them pr 
the sake- of distinction, I will call them Republican and Conventional '• 

The first or Republican Rights, aro auxiliary orancillury to tho great Absolute N 
being ncco'sary to protect and sustain them in full exorcise. Theso are, the ri 
government/or a rcdresa of gi-ievances ; the right in apply to courts of 
rics ; tho right to bear arms ; the right of suffrage ; the right to teulf 

i.- a jurymen ; the right to acquire education ; tho right to / 'random of sp- ts; the 

right <?f conscience and some others. Most of these rights are secured to tho white pe 
this country, by their stale constitutions and laws. It is clear that the great Absoh 
Rights cannot bs protected and enjoyed, and would bo in constant danger of being infringed 
and trampled on, without the assistance and support of these minor rights; as tho histnr 
all despotic government's show; and as the conduct of tho guilty while people of this country, 
who aro so jealous of their full possession and froe exercise, proves. This feet, and i' 
that we are by naturo capable, on arrival at years of discretion, of their pr»por exercise, ;■ 
by necessary implication,, that these Rights ars also the gift of God, and of course inalionablo,— 
vide 1 Blac. Com. 141. It is a rule of the Common Law, that whenever a contract or othor in- 
strument grants express powers, all other powers necessary for the exercise and enjoyon 
powers arc implied; that is, aro given by necessary implication, though not mentioned in tl 
etrument. So if a grant be made in a deed, all other rights and priv'i! 
ment of the grant, aro given by tho deed, though not nam n. 3<;. 

The othor or Conventional Rights, are such as are acquired by contract or agreement 
others ; such as the right to marry .- tho right of social 
and propuriy oj others; tho right to icngcs, rent and p 

comprehending a vast variety of cases, corresponding with the agreements mankia 
each othor. In this class are also comprehend <r official rights: or the rights of 

public officers, judges, legislators and ottiet public persons, d< i i, ap- 

pointment or iriheritauee. These rights when justly acquired, are as sacredly em 
Law of God as other rights; vide Lev. six 13, Piov. xii 36, Rom. xii 17, 1st Cor. 
viii 21, Phil, iv 9, IstThoss. iv 6, 12, Hob. xiii If, and numerous other p: 
specially enjoined and dishonesty specially condemned, in various parts ef the Bible. All - 
ventional Rights are thus as it were, the gift of God. And at least one of thorn, I 
make and execute just contracts, is inalionablo; foi 
rights Required by just contract, may in some cases bo sold or ol 
ful owners. 

All theso Rights taken collectively, make up the sum total of what aro call 

They are so called, bei le they belong to human beings only. To determine whet 

to the hum-in species, and so entitled to I 
i] ilities, viz : 1st, Rea$i n ■ 

1> 



34 

Jeatkic. capacity. \i he haie these, ho is a perfect human being, is endowed by Ins 

Walter with all the foregoing inalienable Human Rights, and it is blasphemous lo deprive him 
of the use of thorn in any case, except for the commission of crimen. All other human peculiar- 
ities and differences have nothing to do with human identity, ant! are of no consequence as it res- 
pects the possession and free exercise of equal human rights. Colour for instance, though fre- 
quently characteristic of large classes of natural objects, has yet no relation to identity in any 
case It is always an immaterial physical peculiarity, whether distinctive or occidental. Nor 
is variety any test of identity. Every race of plants and animals has its varieties ; why then 
should not the human race have its varieties; for analogy requires them? There are said by 
naturalists, lo be Jive distinct r^ces or varieties of the human species, all equally perfect in hu : 
man identity, though each differs from the rest, in the possession of some immaterial physical pe- 
culiarities. Of these the negro or black race is one, possessing all the qualities necessary to 
identify the human species, in ^s great perfection as any of the other races. To deprive colour- 
ed people of their just human rights then, is a most atrocious crime against the Law of God, as 
well as against the Common Law. 

All the just rights of men being thus the gift of God, are therefore Divide rights. And any 
right which annuls or infringes these natural or Divine right?, is a wrong, crime or. sin ; it being 
simply a blasphemous usurpation of men, against the Law of God, and committed in contempt 
and violation thereof. Such is the Right of Slavery, which annuls and tramples on all the Nat- 
ural Rights, granted to all men by their Maker. Slavery i9 indeed a most tremendous sin ; but 
like many other abominations, such as murder and idol worship for instance, it has been very 
common in all barbarous ages and nations. And the fact that more white people are now and 
always have been, in a state of slavery, than black ones, proves, that slavety is not more natural 
to one race of men than another. It is a heathen and barbarian abomination ; and for enlightened 
christians to tolerate it in the nineteenth century, indicates a degree of moral corruption, that has 
not I suspect, been surpassed since the times of the Canaanites. 

Inanimate objects have no rights, of course. Brutes have too little reason to understand rights, 
or to use them if they had them ; and it is absolutely necessary to enslave them, to render them 
useful to mankind. Thus does the Law of Nature as well as that of Revelation, devote them to 
slavery for the benefit of mankind. To treat them with cruelty is highly sinful, (vide Deut. xxv 
4, Prov. xii 1-0,) and in this sense, they may be said to have the right of humane treatment; tho' 
they have not sense enough to redress injuries to it, They are all justly born and used as slaves. 
But it is impossible to enslave a human being of any rSOe or description, without his resenting 
it as an injury, without a consciousness of wrong by the enslaver, and without a blasphemous 
violation of the Law of Revelation, tho Law of Nature and the Common Law. 

It is an inevitable conclusion in honest argument on the subject of Abolition, that all men have 
the rights of men, granted to them by their Creator. If therefore negroes are men, they ought 
io be trf.atew like men ; and not like brutes. It is enough to make every honest person an ab- 
olitionist, to know that coloured slaves are men. So necessary and unavoidable is tbis conclu- 
sion, that the opposers of abolition when they will condescend to argue at all, are soon compel- 
led to deny the human nature of negroes. And I have heard somo pretended anatomical facts 
and other alleged circumstances brought forward, to prove, that though negroes have always 
been classed in the human species by naturalists, y<3t they are in fact brHtes ; or at the most, ao 
intermediate link between the human and brute species. And the ti nth is, we have been so 
long in the habit of treating the coloured people in many respects as brutes, that many white 
people feel or affect to fool, that they really area species of the brute creation, — a sort of apes or 
ourang-outangs. Nothing is more common, than for the supporters of slaveiy to make this base 
pretence. It may seem like folly, to attempt lo combat such a blasphemous perversion cf human 
reason. But that every 'refuge of lies' used to support slavery may be overthrown, I will treat 
the subject seriously. 

Some contend there is a regular gradation of intelligence, from tho lowest species of animals 
up to white men. But this is not true. God gave to man generally, dominion overall brute an- 
nuals : thereby proclaiming the equal capacity as well as right, of all men for this purpose. The 
Law of Nature teaches the same doctrine. Brutes havo instinctive reason only ; and each class 
has an instinct peculior to itself; and one instinct has no more 'intelligence' than another, that 
wc know of. Brutes have no moral nor intellectual reason, properly so called ; nud there is ve- 
ry little difference in their instinctive reason ; and nono of them possess tho faculty of articulate 
speech. There is no difference in the number, kind and degree of the purely human qualities, 
among any of the varieties of man. They nil possess them in equal perfection. But between 
man and every species of brutes, there is a wide and impassable gulf of difference, in reason, 
■ peech and ail their qualities. There is no 'regular gradation' in these respecte, between man 
and brute. It is a broad and plain chasm, intuitively perceptible to the smallest human capacity; 
and which all men recognize alike, by their instinctive authority over the brute creation. 

It is sometimes pretended, that the'long continuance of tho negro savages of Africa in a state 
of barbarism, is sufficient to show their utter incapacity for civilization; and that they 
there foie be mm Bui this argument will prove far too much to be good for any thing. For not 



ohl) tin Afi icai 'i igro i ■ iuI • \mi ~, i ■ 

Circassians and Georgians th* fairest white people ii 

and indeed the groat majority of mankind acknowledged to be such, 

barbarism, a jer than the negroes have. Tho aj| 

tion ot mankind only who are cm 

fully carried out, it will prove that our own remote u* 

6f the attempt to tnako civilization a teBt of human identity. Tho black popul I 

have made as groat advances in the an-, as most other barbarians b 

thentie travellers will show, i i the arts, as out 

in Julius CaM8,r's time. And i'i 

fike most other barbarians, they have been cut oil" by circumstances, from 

ces of civilization. The o*nly influences of it they have ever felt, hi. 

jurious, wicked influences. < ivilization ha never boon employed to benefit, but 

No argument can be framed to support tins absurd hypothesis, bul 
a /act that shows the hypothesis itself roust ho Pah •. An I it ".old seem from the 
case, thatnone could be found silly enough to doubt, or wicked ei. 
tho human nature of black people, but 03 JHa n / really do doubt or affect 
ao obvious, I will make somo plain inquiries. 

In the first placo I ask, if negroes are not men-, what sort of Crime do those white j 
mit, who cohabit andai ■ with them! vide f]x. xxii l'J, Le 1 

in Iho next placo, how happeus it that th 

propagating their species I But to drop these indelicate inquiries ; why is it tha' : 
«rs, in their advertisements of slaves sales, auctions and runaways, are in the habit 
tho slaves as black mm, black women, black bays, black girU and 
men, woman &c. ; and of familiarly conversing with and about thi 
jiuiplc, bluck fellows, wenches, servants, folks, &c. 1 For nobody ever thinks ef gi 
pellationa to real brutes. Nay, why are thoy always called slaccs or son;" rules uro 

never so called. And why do the laws made for their regulation or rather oppression, call thorn 
black and mulatto persons, man &o. i And why are such laws made at all, or made obligatory 
on them? Laws to regulate, brutes, are made obligatory on their own: rs only. Why- 
laws evei inflict pains, penalties and punishments on negroes, if they arc nol human 
it over necessary to pass laws, to prevent cattle and horses from having th 
schools, hogs from sitting as jurymen, goats from preaching, cats an 
polls, and inonkies from practising at tho bar or testifying as witnesses? 
to try brute animals in courts of justice, or to tax them, or to allow c 
thing else, that men only are capable of doing? And would 
der themselves ridiculous, in thus designating or legislating . 

Or would such legislators bo liable to mistake tho real nature of negroes? This is wholly in- 
credible. And why do white people make and execute contracts with negroes, 
purlant business to their discretion ; and why do governments make treaties with them I 
why the propositions to send missionaries to christianize and convert the African 
as Mr. Clay did, recommend American negroes as missionaries foi 
why is it that black people are found as capable in all trades and employments, an I I 
of as much learning, civilization and refinement, as white ones? And why are 
frame civil governments, laws and economy, as in St. Domingo I A 
really arc brutes, why tho tremendous uptoar and din among the slavehold i 
their friends at the north, about the 'ine'endjary abolition circulars' as the j 
sent as they falsely allege, by the abolitionists among thi 
signs' of luo 'wicked and treasonable' abolitionists? Do they 
circulars would have any effect on rud brutes; upon call 
dogs, cats, sheep, goats. g< ese, tut 
mi and monkies I Surely the conduct of tho slavehold 
groes as human boings, in every respect 

supposition they are uot liurmu. beings, endowed' with all the distinctive , 
and faculties of human beings. 

but it may bo said, that nogroe3 actually differ from white people. So tin 
black horses, cattle and other animals differ from wi. I 
physical peculiarities, sufficient to distinguish the races, but m I 
of the species; and of course, nol to affect the i 

as the gift of God. Colour has nothing to do with identity in any o - i. 
it in this? black men Hitler from . 

them, and from each other ; that is to saj il physical pe< U 

not in the laast affect the identity of 
functions of each race ana individual of the hu 
the rest, without the slightest material difl 
ance, among any of the'raccs. And 



I 

there any thing artificial that whit 
aoui are able to pen-. black ones with the same means and advantages, arc found 

apable of executing. Those who pretend that negroes are not human beings, are oblig- 
■ ct the. use of common sense. Indeed in a matter so plain and obvious, and about which ■ 
ben oil' their guard) so instinctively ngveo, notwithstanding 
rruptioh and blindness produced by slavery, I have no charity for the pretended 
. of those, who affect te doubt of the human nature of black people. 
been said, that the lang enslavement of the blaeks, though it may not prove them to bo 
yet it shows their great natural inferiority tu the whites, and plainly indicates their 
...on to servitude; and that the pretence, of their ability to equal the whites with 
tlie same advantages, is a chimora. Their natural and proper station in society it is said, must 
be below that of the whites, in some way, measure and degree. This reasoning is the effect of 
the genuine aristocratic prejudice against condition, already alluded to in this lecture. The 
same false pretence is made by aristocrats every where, Bgainet thoso already below them in the 
scale of aristocratic society, in order to insure the degradation of their inferiors. T-hey argue 
from the long established condition of those below them, that they are inferior by nature. That 
is to say ; they talc* advantage of their own combined oppressions, alias their own wrongs, to 
degracio the multitude by argument drawn from eomparieon, ,/br the sake of heaping tkem degrad- 
ed, prevent their condition from improving, and thus secure their own supremacy in socioty. — 
Precisely similar is the conduct of tho white peoplo of this guilty country, towards tho coloured 
people. They take the samo wicked advantage of their own wrongs, still more to oppress and 
degrade the coloured race, for the purpose of keeping them degraded. They purposely prevont 
their participating, in the usual fountains and avenues of knowledge and skill, and then falsely 
they arc naturally inferior, and so ought and must be, servants or slaves to the white 
race. Such insulting wickedness wilt not bo foigiven on High, without repentance and refor- 
mation. The truth is, there is no natural differonco of mental capacity and ability, between the 
upper and lower elasses of society, nor between the different races of mankind, as is sometimes 
falsely pretended. The natural abilities of tho one are as good as those of the other. Edu 
and other moans of improvement, have made all the difference. The black race is in no rospoct 
naturally inferior, to the white or any other race. The difference in the condition of the two 
races in this country, has been produced wholly by wicked, artificial means. 

And if the condition of the coloured peoplo be still appealed to, as a proof of their natural in- 
feriority ; and that they are as has often been alleged, prone to slavery, easily broke to tho yoke 
&c. ; let those who make tho allegations, please to answer tho following inquiries. What did 
the condition of the white slaves, of ancient Greece and Rome prove? " What does the condition 
of the millions of white slaves) now in modern Russia, Turkey and Poland prove? What does 
the practice of the white barbarians of Circassia and the countries adjacent, the handsomest wbito 
people in the world, of selling their own children for slaves prove? What docs the slavory of 
caste, among the Hindoos and~otbor oiiental nations prove? What did the slavery of villenage 
in ancient England prove? What did tho practice of our British and other European ancestors, 
who in ancient Feudal times, bought and sold each other for 6lavcs prove? And what does the 
fact, that there is a greater number of white than of black slaves, sow in the world prove? And 
if all the tendency to slavery exists in tho blaek race, how has it happened, that there has al- 
ways been since the commencement of authentic history, far more white than black slaves in the 
world! When these and other similar inquiries are satisfactorily answered, it may be propei 
mid profitable to pursue these interesting inquiries, respecting the brutal and slavish nature ol 
black people. 

Thus has it been proven beyond tho possibility of an honest doubt, that slavery is as great a 
against the Law of God, as murder or any other crime, and ihat it is a great crime against 
the Common Law. And such being clearly the fact, it will naturally be asked, how it was pos- 
sible so great and so plain a sin, could become customary among christian nations.— I answer ; 
the practice was first adopted and introduced among christians, by reprobate men in imitation of 
tho heathen ; and was afterwards sanctioned and legalized, by wicked perversions of certain 
parts of the Scriptures. Authentic history proves this fact clearly. The inquiry will also bo mado, 
whether slavory has not been a sin of ignorance. I answer, no; it is not possible it should 
: cen such a siu among Christians. There never was a time since the introduction of Chris- 
tianity when this was possible among christian people. The case is too plain and manifest to 
admit 'of such a possibility, among christians, with the Bible in their hands and favored with 
gospel privileges. It might as well be pretended, thai murder, theft and robbery, can be 'sins of 
ignorance' among such people. Murder by religious persecution, by offensive war, by duelling 
icked means, has been very common among christian nations. But it has never 
,v> of ignorance, because all. chri »r might have known better. Wo see in 

iroerous passages quoted from the Old Tes 

lentanoB and reformation only ever 

the Djyine displeasure, and averts 

... passagea.— 



r 

>f slavery, it will in th 
tor. Wo sua also from tko numerous passages quoted, thai I 
punlshmont. because their priodts a^itl false prophi 
The reason was, because tlio Jews did or might know butter. The I. 
oil to thorn uvory sabbath, and they woro bound to understand and 
without oxcuso- And it would seem from Pharaoh's ca<e, that (he J. i 
voald this sin, that God holds even the heathen accountable for it. It in so 
will not 'wink at' its commission, by any body, It might as well be i 
he a <uu of ignorance among christian people, as l can; for mm 

crime against the Law of God, than slavery is. All christian* have knew 

,ht have known it by examination ; and if thev have ever practised slavery witl 
ledgo of itB criminal nature, thoy have committed the si:i of wilful ignorance, whii 
did nor "over will 'wink at' or pardon, without genuine rep 
Numb, xv 30, Oeut. Kvii 19, %l Cliron. xxxvi 15,10, 17, P.--. six 13, P. ■> 
Luke xii 47, John iii 19, Heb. vi -1, 5, 6, x B6, 27, 'id Pet il 30 21, and numerous oth'ei 
cod. Tho ignorant heathen who had nothing but the light of nature to guide them, afl 

, errors on that account, doubtless had many of i ! . 
ed. But to imagine that christians living under an enlightened dispensation, an 
with the Full blaze of gospel light, could over he otherwise than wilfully igi 
, . ■ :iicc altogetlu . 



JL-ecture Second. 



ABOLITIOIV. 



HAVING thus proven, that slavery is one of the greatest of crimes or ems, I next proceed 
in a separate Lecture, to prove, that its immediate and unconditional Jlbolition. will be perfectly 
safe, and greatly beneficial, to all persons and parties concerned or interested therein, and will, 
theiefore, be highly politic, as well as just, righteous and necessary; and that it is the only 
safe kind of abolition ; gradual abolition being very difficult, unsafe and dangerous, and there- 
fore sinful as well as inexpedient. The truth of those great doctrines will most clearly appear 
in the replies to the various Objections urged against abolition. But before proceeding to the 
main subject of the Lecture, I have two special remarks to introduce, of a general nature. 

First.— It is co/itcnded by many, that though the abolition principles are true and right, ye| 
they will not answer in practice. Many specious pretences are set up to justify this heresy, 
which we shall consider hereafter. But I will remark here, that all our other knowledge and 
experience proves, that this proposition is false. For there is not another case in the world, 
which is true in theory and false in practice. Not another instance can be found, in physics 
or metaphysics, or in the whole circle of the arts and sciences, where a theory is true, but the 
practice after that theory is false and dangerous. Universal experience proves, that there is 
nothing abstractly right, but what is practically right. The reason is, that truth is always 
consistent with itself, and never inconsistent or contradictory. Nor is there any such thing as 
an abstract truth or falsehood, without their practical application. Slavery is not an abstrac- 
tion, any more than murder and other crimes are. Nor is abolition an abstraction. They ate 
both solemn practical realities. Both-slavcs and slaveholders feel and know them to be such. 
Analogy theiefore proves, that if abolition principles be true, the practice after them must be 
porfectly safe, beneficial and useful. Accordingly, all experience has demonstrated, that the 
best policy in all cases is, to do immediate aud unconditional justice, regardless of consequen- 
ces ; that full and immediate justice is always llio highest expediency ; and that expediency re- 
gardless of right and justice, is always the worst policy. Thus docs the Law of Nuture re- 
quire the immediate abolition of slavery. No bad effects ever followed immediate and total a- 
bolition , but the worst ones have always followed attempts at gradualism ; as the operation 
of the British apprenticeship act, and more especially of its inevitable abuses, proves. The 
greatest prudence is, always to work righteousness. The Bible also teaches these doctrines 
plainly ; but most of the churches seem not to heed them. The doctrine is strictly true, in 
regard to the relinquishment of all bad habits and practises. Instant cessation from habitual 
intemperance, is always found perfectly safe ; and such relinquishment is highly recommend- 
ed by the most intelligent physicians. On the other hand nothing can be found false and er- 
roneous in theory, but what is dangerous and destructive in practice. We have seen in the 



Leotur'e, how faise and criminal slavery is. Analogy ihereforo at well inexperience, 
proves, thai the practice of it must be highly dangerous and destructive. And'thm it i| 
all respects, no additional arguments arw necessarj 

The Second general remark is, th»t the Scri] tares plainly and abundantly teach the d 
of immediate repentance and reformation from every sin, without regard to rnnpr-ijornr 
dectrine is more fully and plainly taught in the Bible (Inn (hi« ; vide Jer. ii 32, iv 1, Han. iv 
27, Matt, iii 2, Mark i 15, Luke xiii 3, xxiv 47, Acts ii 38, iii 10, viii 22, I 
Rev. ii 5, 1G and a multitude of other passages. Tim-; do me Law of Revelation and tho 
Law of Nature exactly harmonize. There is no .such thing as gradual repentance nnd refor- 
mation taught in any part »f rho Bible. Tho doctrine of worldly, prudential exp< d 
found there The spirit, if not the letter, of i very command of repentance is, to repent and 
reform instantly, forthwith, at nil events. guN'or is there any «ach thing :i- repentance comman- 
ded without reformation. Such is generally the lette/, and always tit" spirit, of every peniten- 
tial command, The clergy always enforce this doctrine in other cases, and urge ibe awful 
dangers of delay. Yet great numbers of them insist, that repentance and reformatien from the 
particular sin of slavery must be gradual ; because if immediate they wonld hoi be eafe I: 
penfance like faith is dead, without works to prove its genuineness. If slavery be wrong, 
therefore, its immediate abolition must > right. Those who preach. gradual abo- 

lition, affect to bo wisvr than their Maker! Q Is immediate, unconditional, com- 

plete emancipation. Tho 58ih chapter of Isaiah nnd the plain spirit of every pari of the 
Scriptures, go the whole length of this doctrine, without any exception or condition. Yet the 
gradualists say they dare not obey this command, because it is not safe .' Thus do they charge 
God with folly ; vide Job iv 17-2 1, 1st Cor. ii 14, iii 19, 20, and other similar passives. Ab- 
olition is the doctrine of immediate repentance and reformation from the sin of slavery. It i* 
therefore as plain a doctrine of the Bible, as the New Birth, the Atonement, the Resurrection, 
or any other doctrine of Christianity ; vide I*n. lviii 1, &e. Jcr. xxi 12, xxii 3, Eze. iii 17-21, 
and numorous other passages. And it would seem to be as important a doctrine as any. For 
none is more repeatedly and strongly inculcated in the Bible ; as a comparison of the numer- 
ous quotations in the Fir.-t Lecture, with those which teach the other christian doctrines will 
prove. The practice of righteousness is inculcated all over the Bible. It is difficult to discover 
how any body can believe, that the Bible sanctions slavery. If it I the Bible has 

been thus construed by learned divines, the reply is. that it hae been construed to justify mur- 
der and many other crime* ; and it is easy to construe it to juslifv any crime, and to pervert 
it by construction to any extent. But if the 'blind will follow the blind,' they must both 'fall in- 
to the ditch' of error and crime, and bo'h suffer punishment therefor. Neither are excusable 
for sins of perversion or false construction. Perversions l>v others are no justification to us, as 
the Jews found by experience. Love. !o our neighbor is frequently taught in the same con- 
nexion with love to God ; vide Deut. \ 12, 10, Matt, s uke X 27, Jobn xiii 
12, 1st John iii 17, iv 12, 20, 21 ; and from the frequency with which it is taught, seom 
next to that great command i.i importance. Abolition is as we have ; | night 
in the Scriptures. But these eircumslanccs show, that it i.* a christian doctrine of die |"r=t im- 
portance. The nature and power of the doctrine show the same foct, A doctrine that oper- 
ates to disenthral millions, and raise tin m us it were from the grai .er all 
mankind both from temporal and spiritual bon. i iri to nil the 'ke, .,!" km v. 
and the 'word of life,' must necessarily he one of the greatest and most important doctrines of 
the Christian Re'igion. I have been extremely anxio I clear; beov 
ny christians seem to believe, that thou:' i loctrine, it is 
yet one of minor importance ; which is a great i . i 

It seem3 hardly necessary to add, that Slavery and its Ab 
ppositee, cannot both be right or both wrong. 
wrong. Those therefore who profess to oppose, both, cannot fail .'■ 
its immediate abolition must be rijiit. It might .'ended, that s 

tice and injustice, truth and falseh 
any other case of moral opposites, -...- all ■■■. 



. 

every Base of moral opposite* that can be imagined, it rs u plain doctrine of m 
clearly shown by numerous quotations in thesa Lectures, that one is right and the other is 
wrong. No Scripture doctrine is plainer th.;n this. It ia alao a plain doctrine of the Law of 
Nature, as overy person's ooneoience assures him; and the truth of it is confirmed by every 
person's experience. Those therefore that oppose slavery and abolition both, cannot fail to 
sin greatly. And so of the pretence, that slavery ia the handmaid of liberty, and tends *o 
strengthen our republican institutions; to be believed when it is proved, that vice is the 'hand- 
maid' of *irtuo, sin of holiness, injustice of justice, lewdness of chastity, &5c. ; and that the op- 
eration of all moral opposites, tend to 'strengthen' each others influence! 

I will now commence the main subject. And here I readily and heartily acknowledge, that 
if abolition as some falsely pretend, be as bad or worse than slavery, the latter ought to be 
continued and preserved. Whenever wo are compelled to choose between two evils, we ought 
always to choose the least. 

Had the proper christian means to prevent slavery, been freely used at the commencement 
of the practice in this country, by preaching up the whole gospel in its purity, without any 
perversion, it would never have gained a footing here. And were this kind of preaching to bo 
commenced in all parts of the country now, it would quickly put an end to the abominatian } 
ao amazingly powerful ia gospel truth, when thoroughly applied to the hearts and conscience? 
of men ; vide Isa. xlix 2, Jer. xxiii 29, 2d Cor. x 4, 5, Eph. vi 17, Heb. i« IS, and other papsa- 
ges. The criminal neglect of the clergy, to proach and enforce the whale word of God in its 
purity, and their criminal connivance at and support of slavery, are the principal causes of the 
continuance and growth of this abomination among us. The elergy of this country, havo 
more reason to fear the wrath of God to follow this curse, than any ether persons in it . 
Lev. x 11, 1st Sam. ii 12-17, 2d Chron xix 8-10, Jer. xxiii 9-32, Eze. iii IS, 19, Mis. iii 6, 
Mai. ii 1-8, Acts xx 20, 26, 27' Gal. ii li, 1st Tim. v 20, 21, Tit. i 13, and various other pas- 
sages. 

Itisromarkable, that the holy prophets were scut, to preachagainst national, customary, le 
gal, popular pins, and apparently against no other ; yet the greater part of the modern clergy 
have seldom imitated this example, although it was expressly set for their imitation, as a 
plain rule of official duty. They have seldom preached against such sins, though it was their 
special duty to do so. Like the false prophets, they have usually connived at popular sins, in 
nil parts of the country. Tlvey have generally courted popularity, to the entire negiect of 
plain duty. Very seldom has any modern preacher, preached directly and faithfully against a- 
ny popular vice. It is a smiling not a 'frowning world' moat of our preaehera have sought to 
face. A9 soon as a vice becomes unpopular, by other agencies than their own, thoy could 
then preach against it; but not before. So our Saviour and his ar- preached a 

any but popular sins. Bui their example in this respect, has been entirely disregarded 
by most modern preachers They havo been too fearful of losing popularity, to risk the bold 

lain christian duty. Most of ihem have like Jonah, when he was sent to re; 
and warn the Nincvites for thir Oppressions and other sins, shrunk from the dischar 
their duty ; vide Jon. i i!, Nab. iii 1; and they will like him, be punished for this criminal 
lect. 

The Roman Catholics first commenced the practice of christian slavery, in imitation oi 
barbarians of western Africa ; relying for the reconciliation or rather the hardening of then 
sciences to it, on the perversion of certain texts of Scripture, extracted chiefly from the L 
cal Law and the life of Abraham, as stated in the former Lecture, to the entire neglect of tho 
whole ppiri!, genius and effect of the Scriptures. The custom being thus establishes, the 
protectants adopted it on the credit of the eafne criminal perversions. The Catholics, especi- 
ally the Jesuits, havo perverted a large portion of the Scriptures, to accommodate the base pas- 
sions and wicked interests of the world ; and their perversions have been copied and ad. 
by so many protectants, that genuine Christianity is much obscured, and but little practised in 
i's purity. We have good reason to believe, that wore the Saviour to come again in the'flash 
at the present time, he would pronounce his ohurch ru much corrupted now, as it »as at his 

irruption, so it h&s eontribi 



vastly to augment that corrup 

feasors, or was early tolerated and lieknsed by th 

The fountain whenco*the poisonous tlream ha3 flow 

churches are cleared of tha abomination, the vvorl 

world under the influence o 

13-1G, Phil, ii 15, 1st Pet. ii 12. But 

the sanction of the christian ohurqh, ii. will continue to flou 

try. Lot the church sanction a criminal practi 

church renounce it, and the world will renounce i 

The christian church is ot exam| 1 

14, Eph. v 8, Phil, ii 15. And if the e . .■• 
have j vide [sa. iii 12°, ix 16, Mai. ii 8, IHatt. xv 14, Luke vi 
chnroh is sure to meet with punishment; viiJi: Mai. ii -J, Mai 
other passages. The church is frecjaentily threatened in the Bible, 
ominous warning to the American churches. They have goi 
their slaveholding example. And nothing hut this most ncfa 
American slavery, to attain its pi growil) an I 

turity cannot be accounted for in any other way. 

Thu principal means to be used f<|r the extinction 
qospkl. It has been fashionable among the clergy of all d nomination?, to inculcate th 
trine of preaching thi p I , and th j have been in th 

charge to each othor. But strange at-- it may seem, they have habituall; 
trine in practice ; vide Iaa. Ivi 10-12-. 1 1 no part of the Unit 

ary, to preach against slavery and sltvi-d* oppression ; though slaver)' ha-s bei :i Hie gt 
national sin of the country. Nor hal tha necessity and Divine obligation of its abolition 
until lately been discussed in the pulpit. They have both hi en con 
compliance with wicked custom. Ni»r hint ever been customary to pra\ 
Tim. ii 1. So much has the spirit of Christianity Buceombed to iniq 
abolition of slavery, like the abolition of murder and oilier crimes, is one of the . 
trines in the Scriptures; and judging from their spirit, it is one of the most important. Anil 
yet, the clergv of all denominations have neglected to preach it ! They could preach against 
murder and most other sins, but not against slavery. The reason wa = , that slavery has 
a fashionable, popular sin, and murder hai< not ; nl least not by that name. [lad murder been 
as customary as slavery lias been, the clergy would probably never have preached against it. 
They will in general preach none but popular doctrines, for fear of losing the favor of the 
reorlil! vide John vii 7, xv IS, 19, xvii 1G, atom, xii 2, 1st John ii 15-17, iii 10, 13. 

Religious preachers and teachers have much more moral and immoral influence in the wotjd 
than others, and whenever they neglect to denounce any immorality, it is understood to re- 
ceive their silent sanction, and flourishes greatly. And much more rapidly yet will it 
if they oponly advocate and practice if, as thousands of them The pries;!', 

every country hold the keys of its morality. Nothing contributes bo much to the growth of a- 
ny sinful abomination, as to have the rlmrck adopt n ; vide Isa. v 20-2<J It jusl 
in tbo eyes of tho world, and renders the pfaotice of it a virtue. This criminal conduct 
American church, is the principal cause ol'tic rapid growth of American slavery, 

In this country the pulpit, like the bench, th 
rnces of society, have ever observed a most criminal silence on the sub; i 

doctrine of 'taking up the croci' has been iicolcated in wor I 
who preach it manifest by their habitual conduct, that they are among the last ■ 
world who intend to practice it. The popular applause of the wo,: 

anient* it bestows, have so muctuengro ' lat very few of them 

hive had the boldness and honesty to preach a And the corrupt cu 

of tho country have thriven accordingly. Tho criminal sijehi 

acquiescence in the sin of slavery, have bees a great 'stumbling block and roi k i f off 
tha progress of Christianity, and have contributed !e :iread ofinfid 

I' 



,; ,vit!l tbo '" ' : and luvs b«< 

. discredit the whole christian system for that reason. Christian perversions of Bibls 
truth have probably made more infidels, than any other p&< 

The reason why I am thus severe on the clergy is, . peculiar duty lo preach the 

gospel ; the special duty of llicir peculiar calling. All men owe the general dutj, of ac- 
. and obeying the whole gospel ; but it i&the special duty of iheclergy to proclaim 
..force it, to vindicate all its ill its perversions and abu- 

. See the solemnity and extent of Iheir charge in 2d Tim. iv 1-5, and other passages. If. 
is r.iso their duty to preach against particular sins, according to their enormity and degree of "pre- 
valence; as their predecessors the prophets and apostles did, and as all great evangelical reform- 
' i= luvc'sinee done, vide Ex. v 1, 2d Sam. xii V, Ezra h G, JTze. xxxix 7-9 Dan. ix 3-10, Jon. 
. 3, 4, Acls vn 51, 52, xs 20, 26, 27. 2d Tim. ii 13, J.irncs \ J. and numerous other cases, 
asc of special duty can he plainer than this. Butllheee special duties they have to a jfreat 
extent neglected. They havein many important casui, songhl lo conform the gospel to the 
world, and not the world to the gospel; (o the great d;S£ricc of their eallirii', and the destruc- 
tion of human rights and happiness. I am aware thore have been seme noble excopiions to 
this sweeping censure. 1: is to be hoped, that the nuttibor of such exceptions will increase. 

ty professing christians act as if they were afraid, that the agitation of the abolition 
question would produce discord amonp christian brethren, and so divide and injure the church- 
es ; just as. if the preaching of true Christianity could y.ijure it ! A 

t'ear this result in his own sect, told me, that another pitacher of the same sr<; wh 
named, and who was a z n alous abolitionist, had, hurt tiis U8?fulnes-s very much, by th< 
he had pursued in the abolition cause. 1 asked this preacher, if he supposed our Saviour 
considered how much he hurl lus usefulness, by the covrse he. pursued in reproving and d.e- 
i.ounci: a and Pharisees ? Or if the apostles weighed their loss of influence, by 

cing idol worship and other heathen abominations 7 Or if Luther, Calvin, Knox and 
the other christian reformers, thought of the mischief peg were producing, by rending: the 
catholic church in twain ; and thus producing ' discoid among brethren ;' and how much 
they lessened their own 'infiuer.ee and usefulness' by so doing ? These questions seemed 
to confound the preacher a good deal, and he made little or no reply. Some time after this, 
another preacher told mc, that he thought a better c«:ii\se might be pursued than that taken 
by the abolitionists ; and that preaching the gospel only would finally destroy slavery. 1 an- 
swered him in substance, that if the clergy would preach the gospel, and the w hole gospel, 
they would indeed soon destroy slavery. But as lli'y now preach, they rather increased than 
diminished the cur.^e. The 

From the foregoing premises it is clear, that the American church has been guilty r.f the 
most scandalous and detestable hypocrisy. And it. being committed in so plain- a case end 
gross a manner, proves the deep corruption of that church. If we judge from the letter and 
spirit of the scriptures, there is hardly a more flagitious sin than Hypocrisy, especially when 
committed in religiousund moral matters ; vide JoH viii 13, xv 34, x.x 5, xxviii 8, xxxvi 13, 
Prov. xxx 12 17, x 6, xxxii 6, xxxiii 14, Ixvi 3, Matt, v J 9, 20, vi 2, 5, 1G, vii 

3—5, 21—23, : ; : 34, xv G, 9, xxiii 3, 13-23, Mark vii 9, Luke vi 42, xi 44—52, xii 1, xiii 
1.5, John xii 42, 43, Rom. ii 17- 
and numerous other passages of the same import. 
ed with the practice of its opposite vice, as the numerous quotations prove. And the scan- 
dalous prevalence of it in the American church, is ^he principal cause of the universal preva- 
lence of it in the nation. In flo nation that ever existed, has moral and political hypocrisy 
abounded as it has in this union. The consla- lemocracy and equal 

rights has gone on, hand in hand with the practice] of the most barbarous and cruel t 
for more than one hundred and fifty years ! 

Nothing is to he gained but much lost, by s,' , 
ous sin of slavery. It only produces contempt fo» the pieacher and the cause he advocates. — 
Hence all those prudent writers ana" orators, who have pursued what is called a add 
moderate course, in the present sit • avoiding the violent dc- 



1 Tim. iv 2. Tit. i 16, Rev. ii 9, iii 9, 
Hypocrisy is the profession of virtue unit- 



ftuncmtioHs ol'ilie imprud i, meot with 

tal ofll-nco in them, thai they hav:; middled with Ihe 
holders fear am! of course hate t nil temporizer, 

sensible the subject does not pn such conduct. 

for their honesty and independence, but heartily despise all temporizers. Implicit eb< 
or open war, is the only alternative with tyrants of ev 

to win their favor and command • com- 

promise with their tyranny. 

The (ruth is, none but the abolitioaisls do or will, preach tlio Go- 
to slavish oppression, plain and important as those doctrines are. And il 
the quicker a corrupt church is divide*' and rent asunder, the better. \\ 
comes so corrupt, as to sanction wickifd practices by custom, it ought to 
general good. The Jewish church w^sdestroyed for this very reason. I 
mission was to destroy this church, 1)11 account of its crime itute a pure church 

in its stead. Toe rending of the CutUnlic church in twain by the Reformation, 
sary to purge tho christian church of il s manifold corruption . 
needs purifying from its slave corrupt >ns. And so far from the influence of th 
being lessened by the measures they hiive pursued, we must believe from . induc- 

ed by their doctrines, in all parts ot tiii a rjorrupt country, that it is great indeed. The minis- 
try of the apostles did not give greatest oBbnce to moral corruption, than theirs now d 
And it is at the present time specially J esirable,- that their moral influence should be 
powerful. For the country is so corrupted by slavery, that but for this influence, its lil 
would not probably survive the present 3* nti- slavery struggle. In a peculiar manner ougl 
present abolitionists, to be th' in this country ; ee and 

labors being the only true bulwark of it J remaining liberties Nothing but these can, 
God, abolish the corruption of the coui try, and purify it of its tyranny. These corn. 
are enormous, and dare tleaven to inflict wngeance on the co majority "of preach -. 

ers and a multitude of church professor', in the >rted to bo slaveholders ; 

and the church morality in those states tiorresp horrid fact. It o my 0| 

that most of the American sects are as iorrupt at the prescut time, as th 
church was in Luther's time. Against this tide of moral and political pn aboli- 

tionists have yet ta contend sucdessfullyAand effectually, if the liberties of the country 
be preserved. 

I wish it here to b* understood, that f ! make no sectarian application of tho sevi 
I have passed on our church and clergy- The Friends, Covenanters and Seceders an 
tione of some of tho other 6ects, have partially washed their hands of tho sin of slavery. But 
the melancholy truth is, the morality of all our churches on the subject of human oppression, 
is as Mr. Crothers truly observes, ' rottgn to the core. 1 

Nor is slavery the only sin that has corrupted our church morality. It is dreadfully 
rupted by the ?in of licentiousness, and stitne others. But as these cau a of corrupli 
not come specially within the scope of the' Lecture, I omil 

I have stated the , >s for thfe extim i be, the prcae'. 

Gospel doctrine in relation 
to be preached, in connexion with thut ol 

g< t'm i. no thej I I ii re is at leas', 

which no one can rnako on, hy all persons ought 

this preaching. And this is, that . All other torts of objections 

have been raised a?ains; the 

which never has and never will he scrioi anti-aboh 

tionists, slaves, slaveholders ctrines are oi 

highest importance to every body. The. i if our inhabitants, proves that 

they thus believe. The vilest mobites a id I by their conduct. 1 

never would be at such criminal pains a . run such criminal 

-l^ved in ;he reality of this fact. Such being the universally 



pje ought to study and under ibolitron doctrines thoroughly - } foi we ought to atiity 

ever; thing thoroughly, in proportion to us importance 1o us; and these dottrines are of th;_ 
highest personal importance, 10 every man, woman anctchild in the country. And thi3 inte- 
rest is now so intense, that if they are true, they ought to be immediately adopted and acted 
upon ; if false, they ought to bo immediately refuted arid rejected. 

.Most opposers of the project o< immediate ornancipatfcn, seem to argue as if tbey suppos- 
ed, that slavery presents some natural and invincible obfjt'acle. to its own abolition. But this 
is no more true, than that counterfeiting-, forgery and olher acknowledged crimes present such 
an obstacle. We have already proved, that slavery is .lot a natural evil in any sense, any 
more than murder, robbery, forgery, perjury and other acknowledged crimes are. It is an arti- 
ficial, voluntary, factitious evil, crime or sin ; and as sin^li can be abolished, by the same means 
:iial all other crimes are, namely, by Law. All that istnecessary for the purpose is, the paa- 
sage of the proper Law by the rightful legislative powej, and obedience to it afterwards, the 
same as to laws against other crimes. And this Law (nay be very short ; like the statutes 
against most other crimes. There is no difficulty in preparing a statute, completely adequate 
to the purpose. The British abolition act does not occupy much over a square, of common 
newspaper print. This sufficed Jo put an immediate and total stop to the practice of slavery, 
in Antigua and Bermuda ; and is sufficient to abolish the practice in any place where slavery 
prevails, when the subjects of the law are willing to obef it. And when they become thus wil- 
ling, there is no doubt but they will be equally willingjto pass such laws when necessary. — 
The only obstacles to tlie passage of such laws, are nit of a natural but moral kind. The 
great object then at which the present abolitionists Bhoald aim, is therefore plain. They 
should endeavour to abolitionize the xohole country, slaveholders and all. When this effect is 
produced, when the whole country icisk to abolish styery, it will be found as easy and practi*. 
cable to do so, as to abolish murder or any other crime ; and by the use of the same njeans, 
namely, Law. Whenever a people wish to abolish a criminal practice, tbey have only to will 
such abolition, in the form of law. 

In the case of the white people of this country, allalavish violence and oppression, is now in 
effect, abolished by Law. It is true, this is not by wane. But the Laws provided against as- 
sault and battery, false imprisonment, mayhem, murder &c. produce the same effect, as a law 
expressly provided against slavery. If the least attanpt is made to enslave a white person of 
any description, he or she can apply to the Law fotredress, and have full and ample relief 
by due course of Law. They can have all the counsel and assistance necessary for this pur- 
pose. What abolitionists demand as naked justice is, that the benefit and protection of these 
just laws, be extended to all human beings alike, to the coloured as well as the white, the 
bond as well as the free man ; and that all mankind be allowed the same legal rights and 
protection, without regard to coloui or other physical peculiarities, as God originally gave 
The Almighty they say, has given the samq equal rights to ail men alike, and it is 
blasphemous for one portion of the human race, to deprive another of them, without crime in 
the portion deprived. God has made but one law or rule of conduct for man ; the latter has 
no right therefore, to make different laws for differfrnt men. God's law is without respect to 
colour or other physical peculiarities ; man's laws ought not therefore to respect them. Man 
ought never to affect to be wiser than his Maker. It is in the highest degree blasphemous for 
him to do so. 

The only real obstacle to the immediate abolitiok of slavery in the United States, is the 
want of a willing mind, a righteous disposition in, the slaveholders, who alono have the legal 
right, to pass laws for that purpose. As soon as- they possess this disposition, as soon as 
•■HI the destruction of slavery, it will be abolished with the slightest possible inconven- 
ience, loss, trouble or danger. Nothing can be easier or safer than the immediate abolition 
of slavery, when the public mind is prepared for such abolition. There is not the slightest 
difficulty in the nature of the measure itself; as the numerous trials of it, among other evi- 
dence, have abundantly proven. The only obstacles at the present time, arc not of a natural 
moral kind. Remove these by the spirit of righteousness, and slavery falls at once, 
ivithout any lost, trouble or danger. It is not however to be expected, that all the slavehol- 



ders o! 

them it is to be prepu ned, are too 

But if a large majority of them c; 

Hut some argue, Ihnt most ol the slaveholders an- ... corrupt, tl> 
come convinced oflhe sin of slavery, nor eonvi 
ture and extent -jf this su 
tfered the slaveholders thus. They liavi 
would seem the.-c faint hearted reasoners Jo. They I . 
majority of tli 

efforts of their northern a| ologi its and 
the truth «ve may reasonably conclude is, that they will in a few ; 

convinced and convene^. Erroneous prejudii vcrin- 

iic, can with the blessing ol Grid, be overcome by the power of tin- i, !."ious 

anil moial reforms will testify. The corrupt prejudices of thi . , ,. u t Britain i 

dercd by slavery, were overcome by these means ; and to pretend that unju 
kind, are loss vincible in this enlightened country, than 
have no more good reason to suppose, thai the labors of the pi 
will be in vain, than that those of Sharpe, Clarkson, V, ilberforce a 
have been forty years 10 rapid and powerful is the march of truth here, that w 

every good reason to believe, that American Slavery will be essentially abolished, in thi 
ten years. 

Let us examine thin probability. When the British abolitioni ced their great work, 

tbeexperiment of emancipation was new and untiied. All the usu iri .1 up 

isl it, and seemed like realities. The government which alone possessed the legal powei 
to abolish, was essentially aristocratic and proportionally corrupt. Two brain! 
hereditary, and all three at first, bitterly opposed to the project, as Were almost all the p< 
and were also supposed to bo deeply interested in the support of slavery. The project w 
self in its infancy ; and the best modes of effectiqg it were imperfectly known, and 
fostering hand of timo to mature thorn. The first projectors i 

Hocution, reproach, ridicule and other difficulties, that great innovators have uniformly expi 
rienced. And yot the truth and righteousness, agreeably to the promises of God, at la 
vailed. 

On the other hand, the American Abolitionists possess the great advanl c I bj the 

proofs of the complete success, of the numerous experiments of immediate emancipation, al- 
ready made on the great scale. All the hug bears raised against abolition have bi 91 
by facts, to the perfect satisfaction of every will informed person. Our government is wholly 
elective and ropublican in form. It is contaminated by a base slave aristocracy to be sure But 
this aristocracy is not hereditary ; and depending for its legislative support wholly on the elec- 
tive franchise, can and will in the end bo overthrown, unless it yield to the influence of aboli- 
tion principles. Besides, the progress of those principles .is much more rapid now, than it was 
forty years ago. When thofroe states become thoroughly abolitionized, their moral iofluen 
the slave states will bo irresistablo ; and this crisis is rapidly maturing. At the rate abolition 
principles have gained ground in the free states during the last five yoars, it will not lake fivi 
years more to abolitionize them. As.soon as this great effect is produced, the Blave state? will 
within five years thereafter, commence the work of abolition IhemsoJveB. Far leas meant 
now will produce a much greater effect, than the same means would forty or even twenty yean 
ago. When all or a great majority ofthe free inhabitants of this country havi lltion- 

ists, the great work may be considered as essentially finished. The remainder of it will bo a 
mcro trifling matter of form; because all works ol are easy and 

For the clearer illustration of this interesting subject, I will divide it into : melj 

1st. The Objects of Abolition ; 

2d. The Means of Abolition; 

3d. The Modes of Abolition ; and, 

4th. The Effects of Abolition ; and 

First; the Objects of Abolition. 

These Objects are, to abolish the laws, customs and practice of s 
lection ofthe common law and all just statute laws to tb*< slaves; thus making them to 1 

;. with the whiles, enjoying ughls and pr, 

■;il unjust, unequal laws and customs whatever, 

ithin the jurisdiction, over all pel 
peculiarities, ids to restore the same just rights to all men now unjustly deprived of tin i 
God originally gave them. If is to procure repentance and reformation from 
by 'lett^ig all the opfi to ensure tin 



.parity and happiness lo the. country, that Gpd has pn low from all works of right- 

eousness; and in t lie end, extend the sa d sine blessings to the rest of man- 

kind. These are the greaCand only objects of the proposed Abolition of Slavery. 

Secondly ; the Means of Abolition; the utii<<>" efl ct ef which is intended ti> abolitioniie tho 
wliole country, and thus procure a general and complete abolition. And here 1 would for the 
sake of brevity, observe at ofcooyiuey are, a 11 ju teous and christian means 

whatever, that are enpab'e of being used Tot the righteous purpose. This description is so com- 
prehensive, os to embrace all the most powerful moral nnd religious means known. They are 
essPDtially the same means used by our Saviour, and by the holy patriarchs, prophets, apostles 
and martyr9, and by all moral reformers and good men sinco ; and which by means of the art of 
printing and other modern improvements, are rendered more rapid, efficient and powerful in 
their operation. They arc not 'carnal weapons', but 'mighty through God to the pulling down 
of strong holds.' They are :ally called in the Scriptures, tho 'sword of the spirit'; 

vide Eph. vi 7. They are said to be 'sharper than a two edged sword', (Heb. iv 12,) thi 
powerful weapon known. Uy this 1 mean as the Scriptures represent, all the christian mean; 
enjoined in the Bible. They consist simply in the proclamation of the iruf-h, and the appl 
of it to the understandings and consciences of man, to the conviction of their minds, 
simple righteous means, have produced greatei ligious revolutions in the world, 

than all other means put together; and this simply, because they are wherever tht<y can 
plied, irresistable. And so sensible are the slaveholders and their friends of this fact, that they 
endeavor by all means even the most criminal, to prevent their use and agencj ; but in vain. 

I have said the principal means to be used for the abolition of slavery, were the preaching of 
the whole Gospel. But in addition to this and auxiliary to it, are several others, viz : 

Cleansing the churches ; by excommunicating a!! slaveholding professors, and withdj 
christian fellowship from them. It is a plain Divine command, that where professors practice 
great sins, and will not after duo admonition repent and reform, to excommunicato and with- 
draw from them,— vide Isa. i 25, Eze. xx 38, Matt, v 30, xviii 8, 15-1?, Mark ix 43, 45, 1st Cor. 
v 1—7, x 20, 2d Cor. vi 14, 2d Thess. iii 14, 15, Eph'. v 3 — 11, 1st Tim. i 20, Tit. ii 12, 14, and 
many other passages. Purification from sin and avoidance of all contact with it, are the spirit 
of the whole Scriptures. Church fellowship should be u communion of snints with saints, and 
not of saints with satan, — vide 1st Cor. x 20, 21, Rev. ii 2, 13 — 1G, 20— 2'3. Unrepenling and 
unreformed slaveholders, have no more christian right to gospel ordinances, than other atrocious 
criminals; and to partake of them is no more wicked for the one than the other, (1st < 
27, 28, 29,) ; and it is as sinful for innocent persons to partake with slaveholders, as w ith 
criminals; such conduct being a tacit approval of their ciimcs ; vide Ps. I 18^22, 1st Tim. i 9, 
10. 

Another means are, abstaining from the products of slave labor. Could effectual means be de- 
vised, to enable free persons to dispense with these products, it would have a powerful tenden- 
cy to shorten slavery. 

Bearing testimony against slavery, at all convenient times and on all proper occasions; talk 
ing, writing, argning and inveighing against it,— vide T.v.e. iii 18, 19, ix 'J9, xvii 17, 2d Tim. iv 
2, Tit. ii 15, Jude 3. Constant advocacy of the truth and righteousness, is the spirit of the 
whole Scriptures. 

Public disputes, debates, arguments, sermons, addresses, lectures, &c. againstslavery and in 
fa'-or of its abolition, — vide 

Contributing money and n ng to ability and opportunity, with the same'zeal as toi 

other good works, (vide 1st. Tim. vi \&, Tit. ii 14,) for the following purposes, ^namely ; 
To support papers and tracts, on the subjects ol Slavery and Abolition; 
To support anti-slavery disputants, Lecturers, writers and teachers ; 
To support anti-slavery printing presses and depositories; 

To circulate anti slavery books, tracts and papers, and to recommend their candid and at 
tive perusal ; 

To petition congress and the stale legislatures, to abolish slavery within their respective , 
dictions ; 

To organize Anti-Slavery Societies, and promote their active and efficient "operaliou ; 
To support the American and various State antf-slavery societies; Eecl. xi l,Isa. xxxii 
Rom. xv 27, 1st Cor. ix 7, Gal. vi 6. 

And here I would inculcate the principal uses of auxiliary anti-slavery societies, such as o 
to be organized and kept in active operation, in every town and village in the land, who 
friends of the cause are able to organize them. 

Their principal use is, to form anti-slavery libraries, and procure and circulate, the mon 
ful anti slavery books, papers and tracts. A very small amount of funds, arc sufficient for this 
most effectual purpose. And where these ised from the joint contributions of the 

members, they impose but a light burthen upon individuals. Each society should procure the 
best abolition books and papers, for general circulation. Its members should also prepare and 
circulate, each its own abolition i in ularsand petitions. 



il : 
their papers, peti i>f the greatest u- 

^Tbevieulefiilforthepurp 

■M.dl.e.c I would observe it shun!,! be n fix. - . ........on 

,o all personTprtsent, Whether men 

Should jnSIdacted with the utmost candor and fi I in .lie spirit oi friendship wd 

^Abot" fecin..v practice th videMatt 

. -,; and in ■ I to imitate, 



i" 



... above 
vod to years of 



IM l '-111)11. mi.*.! ■ •«.« j 

°cU P o i S e a d liainedt,ytl 1( ;'*£ 

n ;.f»n Ltfainst slavery. Change that sentiment, purify it "I its p. 
f^r fi cUo the abommation, and it will soon put an ■ y in all parts ol the coiin ry - 

LI™ nor no .co of mind th iiillyjreported 

',,',;, ' those 

• :! edi ! :::r: 1^^^,- 

tbj . V;nH ■ ' morals of the Hoe 

encouragement for the present abolitionists to labor ^"ously in 
I ^1 The mora- ™^$ l ^^£J?!£ i & m ™ 

"" S ron"lT"s S at the - Bu ew acts of emancipation have as 

feuth was never felt hal lt 

. general emancipation does take place in tins couniry, 

otlier cases of «»" C JP* """; ., ,,-,, usu lllv prece Je such a result. The demand for 

' lhere b a o r o e ks e TSS'S Spiers is grea 5, inc« 
davery books, tracts ana p<ipera - - f Rt ., eg Bru i j g , )0 i 

■ abolition scheme, has greatly «b. 

lave states, and will who Ih 

ineral spirit of .nqu.ry on he subject has 

-of the eoun- 

lution isexposed, tl i l0 BU ppre8s inquiry 

t,y under foot, to support ,t; but. n vain. J> ^^ 
and .tine the abolition cause have V°™*** b < 

afiuaas; >— - ; - jro " cnt!,nd 

?on 1 U..rinJ.lc^«th^h S? lon8P« 

■ .,.//.,-; ihe Modes of abolish, T|icy 

» of arms, has 
will never adopt it under any cm 

both of winch are perAell' -^ 8lalute , aw ;1S in tIie 

eel.' The first or dire reel mode, is simply 

of the laws against murder and mo f\ ( '^ ' ''' ^ rl ,! ;lfi0 of ,| 10 slaves without any legis- 
ing to commit the crime o J jvery b> .1 _ un. ary • ^ I 

lative action or enactment. 1 - lti :; ol ' '-: ,. ;. 
is prrparedto adopt them, rhe first 1 
- muld be preferred 



illmg to obey the law, we have only toreflecton the oase, wifli which oilier Crimea and in 
moral practises arc abolished bylaw. Whenever it is ile«ire«I by a community, to put a stop to 
the practises of gambling, horse racing, lotteries sabbath breaking;, profane swearing or other 
offences against good morals; or to abolish tiio higher crimes of murder, rape, robbery, arson, 
forgery, counterfeiting <fcc, every body understands that it is perfectly practicable and easy, to 
abolish these crimes and offences, by passing and enforcing short, comprehensive statute laws, 
rendering them penal in proportion to their criminality. Now it is just as easy to abolish slavery 
by the same means, when the public arc read// and willing, to pass and enforce the laws madefm 
the purpose ; or in ether words, when the whole community luive become abolitionists. Wo al- 
so know it would be of no avail, to enact laws against crimes of any description, unless the sub- 
jects of the laws wero willing, to respect and obey them when made. If a luw against murder 
for instance, could not be obeyed, it would be a dead letter, and it would be useless to enact it. 
And if the people of this countiy had been as long in the habit, of committing the crime of mur- 
der as they have that of slavery, there would be tho same need of abolition efforts to abolish mur- 
der, that thero now is to abolish slavery. And so for the abolition of^very other crime estab- 
lished by law or custom ; as almost every crime at different times and places has been, and yet 
is in heathen countries. Slavery is as great a crime against the Law of God, and ought to bo 
against the laws of men, as murder or any other crime. And it ought to be abolished by laws 
as penal and severe, as those against murder are. 

It is probable that the indirect mode will, to a considerable extent, first prevail in this country. 
The legal right or right to abolish it by law, belongs only to the slaveholders themselves. They 
have the same right and are under the same moral obligation, to abolish slavery, that they aro 
to abolish murder ; and foi the same reason ; because it is a crime. As they become gradually 
abolitionized, their prejudices against slavery and in favor of its abolition, will be proportionally 
increased. They will commence by degrees ; at first in solitary cases, and afterwards in larger 
numbers, before the passage of any general law or act of abolition. And though many of these 
private manumissions be contrary to law, yet if most of the slaveholders become friendly to tho 
practice, hardly any body will be found mean and wicked enough, to put the infamous statutes 
against emancipation in force ; and thus the practice of voluntary emancipation will become 
safe, and ultimately fashionable and popular, it is of great importance therefore, that the coun- 
try become abolitionized as fast and as soon as possible, in order that those slaveholders who 
arc disposed to practice righteousness, may be safe in so doing. As soon as the whole country 
becomes generally abolitionized, Lynch law, alias mob outrage and murder, will ceaso, and all 
the laws and customs of slavery, and those opposed to its abolition, become a dead letter. Ac- 
cording to recent accounts we have good reason to believe, that were private manumission safe, 
great numbers of slaves would be liberated immediately. This is the consequence of preaching 
that part of the gospel, that declares slavery to be among the greatest of crimes against tho Law 
of God. 

The reason why so many people cannot see how slavery can be abolished, is for the want of 
reflecting how other crimes are abolished or abandoned. Yet I have heard people make this 
pretence, who well knew how other crimes were suppressed. But there is not a jot of differ- 
ence in the cases. Some pretend it will be of no avail to enact laws to abolish slavery, because 
the slaveholders will not submit to them. To this the reply is, that as none but the slaveholders 
have a right to make such laws, no apprehensions need bo entertained of their being made, bo- 
fore entire obedience to them is insured ; that is, until all the slaveholders or a great majority 
of them, become real abolitionists. Moral reformations always precede political ; as they will 
in this case. The only real difficulty is not in the modes of abolition themselves, but in a right- 
nous disposition to adopt and enforce them. 

In connexion with the law abolishing slavery, a short declaratory act should be pnssed, de- 
claring the Common Law and all just and equal statute laws, to be in force over all persons 
within the jurisdiction, without any distinction. There is not the slightest real difficulty in tho 
nature of abolition itself, as many ignorant persons seem to suppose. The only real obstacle is 
the perverse and wicked wills, of those who have, the power to practice it. If all the slavehold- 
ers had tho same inclination, they have the power and facilities to abolish, slavery would not 
last a week in any part of tho slave states. 

It will not fail to bo obvious to every reflecting mind, that were tho whole country to become 
thoroughly abolitionized, as it eventually will be, the indirect mode of abolition could and would 
bo universally practised. Were every slaveholder now a genuine abolitionist, as he ought to be, 
ho would instantly call his slaves together, as he ought without delay, tell them ho had wrong- 
fully held them in bondage, ask God's pardon and linns, for the great svns he had committed in 
so doing, and declare them unconditionally free. Nay, he would go farther. He would offer to 
make them all the reparation in his power, for the injuries he had inflicted on them. He 
would thenceforth give them what is 'just and equal 1 ; fair wages and constant employment. — 
He would furnish them with the means of literary, moral and religious instruction ; and thence- 
forth be to them a benefactor, as he had before been their oppressor.. A slaveholder thorough- 
ly imbued with the spirit of righteousness, would not wait for the authority of statute laws, to 



u 

iuthoriae bim iu practice iLttt greal viilua, v. hen it v. is safe rbr 

itiero would ia reality bo no absolute necessity, for nor? statutory provisions of in 3 

the atrocious laws made tor the Bupport of Artery, or the pr< v 

suffered to stand unrepealed on the itatute books ;is a dead letter, an I 

proach and shame ; there being tew to bo Pound base and infauiou 

All this will actually take place, us soon us the abolition project become 

But the direct mode is iu all cases to bo prelern . 

adopt it, and as tho best mjdo ofexpreffljirj ; the ri itional repentance. Thu 

oil possibility of injury accruing to those, who are willing to practh e tin- righteous 

oiitton. There will always be some C^w miscreants in society, 

endeavour to enforce unjust laws. To prevent injury from them, short com| 

should be enacted, wholly abolishing slavery, by abolishing all slave 

method has been adopUd in more than one instance, with the most perfei I - 

ndvantage ; and the adoption of it in this country, when On ■' 

being abolilionizcd; will be attended with tho same happy re?uh*9. I proe- nsider, 

Fourth!;/, the Effects of Abolition. 

And hero I would observe in general, that all the tvi >■■ ■ 

shows, that all the good effects which can result from anj aeJhofri< 
Iuimediute Abolition. Those who predict danger, loss, ruin and all mam 
quences, to flow from such Abolition, predict directly against . 
recti y contrary 10 the preempts of tlie Law of Revelation and tho La ■ 
traiy to the natural course of events, to uniform experience, to I 

to all reasonable probability, to analogy and common sense. Thu fruit ightcofl 

ness is always good ; vide James iii 18. No injury w ■ 
Univeisal suffrage was formerly a great bug-bear ; though notui ig 
ition has been good so far as it. has been . 

in every case of Immediate Emancipation that has '.. ccurred 

danger, it has removed all danger, d of log; 

and ruin, it has produced great pecuniary profit, 1 I 
Instead of idleness and dissipation, paupei 
ranee, steady ha'oiis, good morals and con 

humun oppression. Not one of the evil effects falsely predi ted by ita 
lowed inline. -.ion ; but on the contrary, 

its friends, have so far uniformly followed it ; 
follow it in this country. Like causes always produce like efl • 

The uniform news from the Liritish V. . hstaudirig the 

wretched temporary apprenticeship in some oft 
increased their prosperity ; while it has doubled that of those who 
removed all danger whatever. Both the white and coloured inhabitants an no 
happy. Abolition is generally popular am itepeople. Mu 

change; nor would any consideration whatever, induce the :. 
experience will produce the . 

have experienced its b< 

The effects of emancipation on the slaves will be, to increase their >ay. — 

Deliverance from their pr< , .•-... bl — •■ 

for the first tint of tho ordinal 

of education, and the otli r * which ration 

all combine to promi te their felicity. The effects <>n t. 
the fears and dangers inseparable froru slavery . . ....... 

ty, far beyond that of the slave propcrt) . . 

for the tirst time, enjoy the 

The eiiects on (he country will be . mark- 

etable value of its domain, both real and pi ;.- mil; ;:.. ■ 

improvements of all kinds; grem , te cessation of civil dit 

cord; harmony and friend* 

reproach that now tarnishes, the natioi consequent 

broad. The national strength will be vastly increased, I . 
urc.'. [t will cl I'OOOof internal foes inf . 

iho country, by the addition of wha 
6,000,000 good citizens ; in the same ra .•■ 
by emancipation, by me addition tohcr wide Empire, of an eqi 
ul subjects. The effect on the world will be, to hasten the ge . 
where; to introduce bettei 

happiness of all nations, and extend the knowledge and practice of the true 1 Gos- 

pel. Alt these and many more b . ■ • 

abolition . lavery. 



60 

Many persons express tlieir fears, of some great disruption or convulsion in society, to folipvt 
.so great a change, as that of so groat a multitude of slaves, from the heaviest bondage to instant 
freedom. Their fears are howover, wholly destitute of rational foundation, as I shall soon 
prove. Nor will any special legislation be necessary, to provide for the emancipated slaves ; bo 
admirably qualified are thoy to provide for themselves, an will be clearly shown. The indul- 
gence of such apprehensions will appear, not only premature but weak and foolish il" not blas- 
phemous. 

The remainder of the Lecture will be principally devoted, to the examination and refuta- 
tion, of the most oommon current Objections, employed against immediate emancipation. 

If any one thing more than another, could place the despicable character of American hypocri- 
sy in the strongest light, it is the blasphemous sophistical ingenuity exhibited by the majority of 
its free population, to support Amcricnn oppression and prevent its abolition. Democrats prat- 
ing all their lives about ' liberty, equality and equal rights,' and sympalhysing strongly with 
the oppressed of other nations ; anti-masons making the country ring, with the story of the out- 
rages on the rights of one white person ; pious, exemplary professors of religion, canting about 
the ' bondage of 6in, the glorious liberty of the Gospel, ' and about the wants of the ' poor heath- 
en' in foreign lands, are to be found in great numbers, striving to render the American name a 
by- word of reproach, by endeavouring to justify slavery from the Bible, excusing the guilt of 
its present continuance, and by the most criminal abuse of the friends of emancipation. No 
hypocrisy has ever yet appeared so despicable, as that of republican, christian Ameriea. But 
on the other hand, there are many honest but ignorant peojile, who fear emancipation us a 
worse evil than slavery. It is therefore proper, to give the most important anti-abolition Objec- 
tions, a somewhat extensive consideration. 

1st Obj. — Colonization. 

As Colonization is the grand remedy, of all those opposers of Abolition, who are willing that 
Mavery should cease, it Reserves particular notice. 

Notwithstanding the abundant proof that has been circulated, of the wickedness and futility of 
the colonization scheme, yet many apparently honest people, through ignorance and the want 
uf a thorough examination of its demerits, continue to cleave to it, as the only supposed possible 
means, of ridding the country of slavery. They seen) to regard slavery as invincible here, in 
this boasted land of liberty, light and gospel privileges 1 Prima facie, there seems to be some- 
thing like stupidity in this notion. Of all the countries in the world, this ought according to its . 
own boasted reputation, to be the easiest and readiest, to extirpate slavery and establish liberty in. 

The Colonization schema is founded on this false principle, that the coloured people of the 
I 'nited States, havejfb bight to thejr freedom and equal rights, in this their native land. The 
Colonization Society has not said so in so many words. This would have been direct blasphe- 
my; because the Almighty himself has proclaimed the natural equality of Human Rights, to all 
human beings alike, every where and at all times and place's ; vide Gen; i 26—28, Num 
22, Job xii 10, Isa. xliiB, Acts xvii 25, 26, and many other passages. God has not made the 
least distinction, in the moral and political Rights and Duties, of his intelligent creatures. E- 
quality of rights and duties among adults, is the spirit of the whole scriptures; as is plain from 
the generality of almost every command contained in them. Those commands are given to all 
men without distinction ; thus plainly implying the doctrine, that the Rights necessary to ena- 
ble men to obey them, are common to ajl. But the Colonization Society has given abundant 
evidence, that it acts on the contrary blasphemous principle, as can be seen by consulting 'Jay's 
Inquiry,' and other anti-slavery publications. It also assumes without the slightest proof, or 
effort or offer of an experiment! thai it is impossible to. elevate the coloured lace here, in their 
native land, to the respectability and dignity of freemen, where means are abundant for that pur- 
pose ; but affirms that the same thing can easily be done in Africa, amid_ pestilence, want and 
barbarism! It considers their degradation here as an ordination of Divine Providence; and 
therefore censures their native elevation, as wrong in principle ! It declares the free blacks of 
this country, to be excessively dissipated, ignorant, depraved and degraded, so much so as to be 
real nuisances; but affirms that they will : ionaries, to evangelize tho Afri- 

can heathen ! It opposes all plans of emancipation at home ; and proposes to drive the free col- 
oured people to Africa, by means of the persecution, of public sentiment and legislation united ! 
All these and other enormities, under the mask of philanthropy fcv the oppressed and degraded 
coloured people amongst us, are fully proved against the Society, in said publications. And 
these have also proven, that the real though paitially concealed object, of the whole coloniza- 
tion scheme, is to persecute the free colour ' of the countiy,- in order to render the 
enslaved condition of the remainder, still more secure and hopeless 1 It is a scheme orignally 
devised by the slaveholders, to perpetuate slavery in (he slave slates 1 

The slaveholders consider the presence of the free blacks a nuisance to slavery in the slave 
ites ■}'].,, | more uneasy, discontented arid rebellious, than they 



"The Society is thus a red enemy of the cgbn**. under the n, jipj^fc-j 

1 have already alluded to the wick. ^ " *.£ '*'> ;, , « , jnd(l| f foil6r> 

happiness of these ' 1 !' lor,u "i lt ° f^f ;,, V S oes niing to counteract them, as in chna- 

and encourages ; declaring them to be n.Mnuoio . iiu . *, It doe „ not ...innt the col- 

tiaii duty it U bound to do ; but much to B U mutate and increase J*»»- « neve , 

oured people as a party to tl.o scheme. V'nnrt no, cw.thou their free consent, it yet encour- 

,,. For though -aprofess^o desire tot run- ,o t no, c ™tMW«r W . ( J^ 

ages prejudice and persecution, to extort that consent, or w . u obtained by 

•to force the proposed emigrants* *» "J*^ I ' 9 ™SoS well know*, and acts 

of threats, or false imprisonment, vide 1 Blac. Com. iw. ««"' / oloured poople of tin. 

menr, and merely because tyran u i wsnw uuv negroes hav 

serves to be considered and trea e, a . re - ; • - ^ ^ n / encourage wicked prejudices 

Colonization Society. Also, a lenlti ena wu i: am j wicked pub| senll 

to excite or increase such a sentiment ■ft"^™™' or tho woa l lhy , proud and great m. 

Hence too the reason why most ot the «trw « V , - ^ 1^ whom tl 9C | ie mo 

the country, approve of the scheme T ,f the country, for tl. ™ g.v- 

originated, wish to d ° oul ™ Thego ^ pal 

en? and their northern associa es sympa tl use w i|M i .... dobject l gic 

euard of the enterprise. They have prop; jS real designs. These are, tl 

5« pushed forward on M^^J^^'^ofS These are good co- 

nization and conversion o Africa and tho u PP reaaw slaveholders. For very few of 

jects; but they cannot be the real o, nunc a one,* a ofgendillg lh , ir slaves to; Afr.ca.- 
these as has been abundantly Q P'^as ^SaSd -lave, on ■ *™g™tJ0n to 

Not a single president of the Soc.e Jjr hM «vo. iioerai ^ q| , (h(j rf u de . 

Liberia. Such a measure would rum them. A genera J „ 

populal ?»' J e ' ° e K^y to be Polished immediately, and the 

uch, a ir.n-vU 5! the coloured people in tho slave states, I 

bo made to (b t0 lrJ ' | '„ ^ hem, they would fight . n, 

"ca or eUewh » CO r u " '^Bond o r free Thy cannot live a month without then, 

ry, to retain their, in the country I Bo: do ' *«. ™g - f , and elaborate 

It is hardly worth while at the present time, to bo at t P , , auaa | a0 , |,. 

iocts and tendency hi I 

representations. , -he supposition that it is ji 

^fatuity of the Society appears « o n c ful JftWjjafc «„„„ DB ^ acr08a ihe 
The pretended project itself, o 'unsporting *« U «."J ' . , B ; mp i es t calculations will 
iu • i4r beyond the ability of tho who e ^countr , , , „,, 

And could it be done, it,s y^^^Z ^Lu.t be elevated at home, « here a hu«- 
exchan«ro of countries. And the pretence ina , Africa; and where half 

drei tun ,s more means exist for tra pa. . _ !i!iUrJ and fooli8 h as mas. 

the means expended, mil do more than t h J , , n0 other 

condemn it, unless some fucessKl 
necessity has been pretended 1.;. 
t J people *«re; which pre 



iquol righto, advantog'-s and mental culture, make equally as good, as UBeful .ind as respectubh 
citizens, as the whites. Thoy have hitherto beon the most useful laborers in the country. Nor 
can any honest reason be rendered, why they should remain degraded. God has not degraded 
them. He has created them in His own image, endowed them with all the human faculties, 
and made them heirs of immortality. Degradation does not depend on colour. It is an artifi- 
cial thing entirely. All slaves whether white or black, are degraded ; by their covdition. 15c- 
eides, the injury the project would produce to the country, could it be carried into effect, by re- 
moving the best poilion of its agricultural laborers, is manifest on the slightest examination. — 
Were two or three millious of our slaveholders, speculators, monopolists, spendthrifts, de- 
bauchees, dandies and other drones, who spend more than they earn, arc accustomed to live 
without labor on the earnings of others, and would be a cur9o to any country, to be colonized 
in Africa, or any where else out of the country, the latter might not sustain any serious loss. — 
It might be a good riddance. 13ut to colonize the best part of its productive population, is the 
madness of folly. In astute of freedom, one black laborer would be worth more than two white 
ones, in the hot regions of the south ; because black laborers only can endure the climate; and 
because they have far more skill in the kind of labour required. The negroes rouy as well be 
useful in America as in Africa. And it is certain, that the great ma»s of the slaveholders, 
have no more intent or desire, to part with their slaves, than with their own wives and child- 
ren. Such deprivation would beggar them. It would reduce the value of their real estate to a 
trifle; besides cutting off their necessary means of subsistence. Nothing short of infatuation 
can be supposed, to have seized the intelligent portion of the Society, on the supposition that 
they have been well informed on the subject, and influenced by none but honest motives. The 
slaveholders have not been thus infatuated. It has never been slaccry, but free negroes they 
have desired to be rid of. There is good reason to believe, that many honest persons have en- 
listed in the enterprise, vt ithout sufficient examination. 

The ostensibly benevolent pretence, of furnishing the negroes with 'a home' on the wild 
shores of Africa, their 'native' country as it is foolishly called, is set up to flatter the American 
free negroes, into an acquiescence in the scheme, ; the inference always being, that they havo 
no right to 'a home' in their real native country. This strange logic has not however, had the 
effect to gull the negroes. Their own good seme taught them its falsity; and they were the first 
to protest against the whole scheme. By the laws of God, every innocent person has u Divine 
right, to a secure and permanent 'homo' of his own choosing, amx where he pleases on the 
whole globe, wherever chance or choice may direct bis domicil ; as was shown in the first 
Lecture. And in most of all places, is a man justly entitled to a safe and sacred 'home,' in his 
own native country. Our black countrymen are Americans ; not Africans ; and as such are en- 
titled to an American 'home' ; where God has given them a right to stay and reside as long as 
they choose. The country needs their presence and assistance, as much as those of her other 
children. What would bethought of the foolery, of proposing 'a home' in England, Franco or 
Germany, to Americans of English, French or German extraction 1 Would they respect such 
a proposal, any more ilian the American negroes do? Surely not. 

The crime of the colonization scheme consists, in offering civil liberty to the coloured people, 
upon condition ; which liberty those people have a Divine right to without condition. Condi- 
tions! liberty to innocent persons, is not the liberty that God gave to mankind ; and which it is 
His will they should all enjoy, except when it is forfeited for crimes. For man therefore to annex 
any conditions whatever, to the enjoyment of liberty by innocent persons, except that of good be- 
haviour; and especially so hard & unreasonable a condition, as expatriation from one's own native 
country, is conduct highly blasphemous, ft is adirect infringement of a Divine Right. Coloured 
people as well ns others, have a Divine right to tho enjoyment of civil liberty every where : and 
the same right to live any where they please, in the enjoyment of unconditional liberty, unless 
forfeited by real crimes. So long as they remain innocent persons, they inherit the Divine right 
of unconditional civil freedom ; and on any part of the globe where they choose to live. They 
hold this right in common with the rest of mankind ; and for the Colonization Society or any 
body else to deny it, is open blasphemy. To say or pretend, that coloured people have no right 
to freedom and equal tights in their own native country, when God says they have, is the most 
daring impiety that men can utter. 

The great argument used by the. Colonization Society, to induce the fice coloured people of 
this country, to emigrate to Liberia is, that the prejudices of the white people against them are 
invinciblt ss it endeavours, by calumnious and wicked. means to i.ncre se. This 

'.jury; the common policy efty rants. And these prejudices are said to bo 
their i must be forever trampled on here ; and that the prejudice being na- 

tural, ll . as it were, compelled to abuse the black race ; and it is therefore the duty 

of the 1 of refuge, so benevolently and providentially provided for them 

in Africa, w here thoy can be secure from the effects of this destructive agent. This has been I 
have no doubt, the honest reasoning of thousands. They confound the antipathy against sup- 
I bodily deformities, with the prejudice against right* ,• and believing the one to be natural 
-■■■ •--.'<■ • - iso tho other is also- 



I 



tie ■,' B6ction will aonvinca «^oiy «andul mind, that soloui 01 other ■ ippo ad 
fortuity, is not the foundation of the prejudices against the rights of Mark people. It hns'notJi 
ing to do with them. Prejudices against rights, arise wholly from condition. The prejudices 
against the Jews, are in many parts of the world, as strong us those o^ i.ri - , ort > 

those.- i are those of aristocrats, against ihi lowi 

The prejudices of caste in the East Indies, nro as strong as those of our slavery. Nor will any 
Uind of colonization destroy them. A much stronger agency i 1 - required for that purpose. — 
Nothing but th ospf.l truth, will destroy this and other wick. I 

With regard to the alleged invincibility, of the natural antipathy to the black colour, and oth- 
er supposed bodily deformities of black peoplo, there are a variety pf opinions, accordiog as 
facts militate one way or soother. The disgust und repugnance they aro said to occasion, wore 
however no hindrance, to theiT kidnapping and importation at a vast ezpence, as s/^rrs. And 
it is certain, that tins alii ged antipathy it yet vincible enough, to permit a general amalgamation 
in tho slave states. Nor is it though) of as the slightost objection, to that kind of 'social inter- 
course', that must always exist .between masters and slaves. Other facts might he introduced 
to vary the argument. ^nd if the black colour be held as a good reason i<>r colonization, it is 
certainly a reasonabl ask, why not colonize black cattle and horses, and black 

clothes and furniture 1 Why not expatriate the black colour entirely 7 All will however a- 
groe, that if trie fl !;i!e prejudices against the rights of the coloured people, renlly arc invil 
they ought if possible, to ho permanently separated from the white race. It is an unf .rtunato 
circumstance however, that if this pretended invincibility bo a fact, mere location in Africa 
will not shield the negroes from it. It will follow them thither, as avarice baa already done; 
and thus the humane project of the benevolent colonizationisN, he entirely lYustn 

We often hear the haired of the whites to the blacks spoken of. But in tho name of i 
Jinrl humanity, what should they 'hate' the negrocs/»r. Foi their black colour and curly hair ' 
This would be to hate and ol course to blaspheme, God's provldei it is simple 

and ridiculous ; as if there was any tiling in colour worthy of hatred I And in fact, we 
hate the black colour in any oilier case. And yet we hear the hatred of the black race ; 
of, as if it w: But if this be so, how come the whites to bring them into 

the country at a vast expence 1 V, as tuis done out of hatred ? And why do they now extend 
the hounds of negro slavery ? And what have the negroes done since their abode here, that do- 
serve* h ' bated, because they have toiled from generation I 
without wages, for the sole bene6t of those who bate them ! B ported 
themselves and th • i solely by their own labour ! Becau looe Inr more 
to feed, clothe and enrich the country, than any other class of cijual numbers 1 Because they 
have general!] id submissive, under the greatest oppression 1 Does sucA con- 
duct deserve HATREl to hate people for their good works or behaviour, is most dar- 
ing blasphemj John x 31— 39, xv 24,25, Acts iii 14, 15, vii 51 — 64 
1 John iii 12, and main other passages. It is returning evil for good; the peculiar malevo- 
lence of the devil. Nor can this kind of haired ho accounted for, except on the admission of 
the fact, that slavery is the offspring of hell. Vet the Colonization Bociety justifies, encourages 
and increases this bias] hemous hatred, as a justifiable means, of driving the free blacks of this 
country to Liberia I The whites unjustly hate the blacks; and because they do thus halo them, 
tho Society says they have a right to oppress them I This is Go! ■ 

If it be alleged that means can he used in Africa, to remove prejudice and repel th 
the ready question is, w by not use the same means /rcrc7 Will it be more difficult to do so ? — 
These inquiries are real posers, and cannot be satisfactorily answered. But it is unnei 
forme to argye the case further; for I hold this pretended invincibility, of prej 
rights, to be' a mere phantom or nonentity; as much bo as witchcraft, knigbt errantr 
philosopher's stone or the perpetual motion is. Itisjual ' «•>« rights of one 

man as another. 

The respect men pay to each others rights, if not otherwise \> lontary, depends on the 
ration of Law. Owing to the weakness and wickedness of human nature, there is a constant 
tendency in mankind, to invade each others rights; which tendency is held in check, control- 
led and regulated, by die power of the Law. Hen respect each others rights, if not from the 
influence of virtuous princi pi rence to the Laws of < '/ are forced 

to do so bv t'. ' et, it is al- 

ways made stronger till it cai bodily deformity any thing to do with the matter.— 

Had the laws of this country been always made, without reference to colour or condition, no- 
body would have imagined there was a greater tendency or propensity, to infringe the rights of 
one race than another. And were the lawB now to he made, rd to persons, (as 

they ought to be, to conform to God's will,) this jack-o-Iantern of invincibility would disep- 
pear in a week. We might not like the looks of the 'niggers' any better than before; but we 
would feel no more disposition to wrong them on that account, tha • - th olher or 

il ofcoluur. 



^ psct •nch others righu at all ? It is chiefly because t lie Lam 
to avenge wrongs. It it b°caii8c laws and penalties, judgt'3 and juries, sheriff 
jails an iries, whipping posts and gibbets, are prepared for offi id are the 

effecti sioaa society, and strike torror into rogues ; and are as potent 

against evil prjjjntHcea,* as against other evil propensities. Without I ulwarks 

t tyranny, the aiaas of the vchite«people would- be quickly enslavi 1 ir would 

afford thenj do more protection here, than il docs in Russia and Turkey. 
people have I >ri, and they will be as effectually shielded from 

jodice herd, as they can be in Africa or any where else. 

In illustration of this doctrine, let us consider the case of the Colonization Society i : - 

The most bitter and inveterate prejudices exist against it ; and yet it exists and operates in 

peace and security, for the reason jast given; It is protected by law. But according to its 

own theory; it ought to he colonized ! For the real object of ths Society is so excessivSiy 

d and mean, that the honest and enlightened prejudices. existing against it, must doobt- 

ft must be obnoxious to these prejudices ; and it cannot escape from them, 

unless it be removed to some distant region. And I have sometimes ironically proposed, to 

colonize the Colonization Society, in the north part of Siberia ; or in the regions near the 

north polo, lately discovered by Sir Jamea lloss ! In those realms of desolation, us dark 

ozen Hi its own philanthropy, the Society if it can exist at all, can do so^without 

ording to the spirit of this strange pretence, all the federalists, democrats and vvhigs, 
all sectarians and parlizans, ail the masons and anti-masons, all foreigners, ail the yankees 
rs, and in fact almost every body else, ou^ht to be sent out ofjhe country and 
colonized, on account of the inveti oes existing against all of them ! The coloni- 

zationists ought at all events to - be colonized,- because the just prejudice-s ogHinst them are 
i'y increasing. But as the prejudices against the abolitionists are 
subsiding, and will in a few years become extinct, perhaps they ought nit to he colonized ! 
the same sagacious and benevolent reason, Gen. Jackson, Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, 
an Buren and many other eminent individuals, ought to be colonized ; for the strong- 
est prejudices exist against them. And it will hardly answer for the sagacious colonizattbn- 
i = ls, to pretend this to be unnecessary, on account of the rights of tbeso gentlemen beii. ; _ 
tected by the late. For the saucy abolitionists would be sure to reply ; that uck protection is 
all the coloured, peopli 



Gh}.— -Incapacity of Negroes. 



It has been a prevailing opinion among- the white people of this country, tha mo black race 
arc naturally inferior in the intellectual powers, to the white race; and many argue on this 
supposition, that 't must therefore be right and proper, to deprive them of a nd treat 

them as brutes ; or, in other words, to enslave them. 

ipose this false noli >n were true, and what would it prove ? Why that ail men of inferi- 
or talents ought to be enslaved ! And as most men possess but ordinary tal mpari- 
m of the whole number; it would render human slavery er6al. 
: "refore to spurn the notion, whether it he trnt! or false. It 
i icratic pretence, made n«e of by aristocrats all over the world, to justify the n in oppressing 
ilfhude ; and white men arc as much interested to repel it as black one--. The aristo- 
aseumo without proof, that the multitude are inferior to themselves, not only in wealth. 
but ta'cnts ; and thence argue, that it is right and agreeable to the 'natural 

I tiia poor down 'to keep their proper places.' They argue a natural, from no artificial 
inferiority of their own producing. By means of oppressive laws, they first d rade the mul- 
iry poverty and ignorance, thus producing an artificial inferiority in them, 
and th bey are naturally -inferior to themselves. The arfHmai 

purpi ell, in Europe as in A ■ 



re nee to colour, e.vcept in tlii* country. Condilit 
' means, is the only real ground for (he pretence any where. 
And if the pietonee be true, what are we to believe of the 
if negroes like the brute creation, are such inferior creatures as tn justify their enela\ 

can be nothing real in those pretended or appr 
such on uproar about. Their alarms must be all nun on. Were all 

tie animals in the country, to be turned 'loose' at once, there woul 
thoro was before, Besides, if the pretenco be true, wheDce proceed the di 
very? For all slaveholders admit these to be very great; as their habitu 
and as nil the barbarous and expensive means used to protect and support 
And black slavery is as ciangerou* as whilo slavery ; and the la; 
ancient R ime, (the clay in the feet of the image: Dan. ii 33 — 15,) and other n 
there never was any danger from brute slavery, though the practice «C it has i . ■ 
universal. One of two things is certain ; either that negroes are ( 

', of that there is no clanger at all, either ; 
holders may choose which born of iho dilemma they p]< 

And this pretence of inferiority i.-" directly contradicted, by oil llie 
ed in advertisements, of negro sales, auction? fyc. Tl 
advertisements, as possessing uncommonly superior human qu ; 

'very intelligent', 'honest', 'skillful', 'experienced', 'ingenious', 'escclleii 
hands, cooks, grooms, coachmen, teamsters, nurses, scamsti 
.$•<?. No higher recommendations of the kjnd, can bo given to white person 
are also frequently advertised, as possessing superior abilities, cunning .. 
■-• complaint ever made, that tin so statements are erroneous or 
i aro usually described as superior human litinc;^ ; and th description 
dieted or questioned, or their general accuracy doubted. Ai 
tied custom of the slave states ; and the existence of tho custom proves tho utl 
the absurd pretence under consideration. And it nlso proves, the abundant ability of "iir 
slaves, to 'lake care of themselves' and easily provide for their support, in 
and equal rights No people ure> found half as nblo to provide for themselves, .. 

the very qualifications for that purpose, described in the?, g 
After making full allowance On the usual exaggerations of such description-', they afford 
abundant ovidenco of the full equality, of the black with the whito race, in mental it* v 
bodily capacity. The testimony of the slaveholders themselves, is thus abundant!) 
lo refute and demolish this lying pretence ; vide Job xv 6, Luke m s 

The practice of national self government, is universally admitted to • 
human capacity. In this great art, iho African savages manifest as much - 
white savages, or as our ancestors did in Caesar's time. Bui the r« p 
hibils a fair specimen, of as great capacity and refinement in the art of government, 
average of the governments of white nations. It has n better government and laws, than 
half of the Eoropean na'ion? ; and this too adopted by n nation of ignorant negroes, 
many discouraging circumstance* 
- There is also strong circumstantial evidence from ancient history, that the black rac 
the original founders of the arts and sciences. Were this fact certainly known to be tl 
would prove this race to possess .superior talents and genius. For (lie first 
in any art or science however rude and imperfect th< ■ ■ st difficult of 

any, and require a degree of genius, which history shows to be so rare. But however this 
maybe, there is nothing in the behaviour, actions, character or condition 
that denotes their natural inferiority to any of the other racrs. In every departi 
man cnterprize, they have been permitted to occupy in civilized society, they have proved them- 
selves to possess first rale capacity, their enemies themselves being ju 
monslrates, that they only need a fair op] 
departments 



m 

hese fctis chow the utter falsehood uf tLiis Lass pretence. The | 
rior to the rich, as the aristocrats pretend. Tho black race are not naturally inferior I 
■white, in any respect whaterer. All the apparent inferiority of the negroes is wholly artificial. 
The Almighty has given to all men without distinction, the same general measure of 
ability, both bodily and mental, to enable them to obey His Law, and fulfil His Will ; thereby 
intimating in the strongest manner, the natural equality of their rights; aa wag stated in (lis 
First Lecture. All slates both black and white, deprived of literary leisure and kmv. 
bereft of hope and crushed by cruel oppression, appear stupid, cart-less and thoughtless; but 
none of them are naturally inferior to the re*', of mankind. All they need to manifest a per- 
fect equality is, an equality of rights and knowledge. These equalities are reciprocal ; and 
the allowance of the one will always produce the other. Riley anil Robins were as abject 
slaves among tho Arabs, as the negroes are in onr slave slates. So were the Helots and Ro- 
man slaves, the whole of whom were white people. The pretended natural inferiority of thd 
hlack lace, is ali moonshine; as those who are well acquainted with them are aware. There 
is nothing artificial of which white people are capable, but of which black ones are just as ca- 
pable. In every department of art cr science, of literature and learning, the blacks a. 
as capable of exc«llence as the whites. Their natural abilities both of body and roind. are just 
us perfect. There is no truth in the pretence, of the inferiority of their anatomical structure 
and organization. The facial angle ia upually smaller in the black than in the whi: 
but there is as great a proportion of retreating foreheads, in the one race ns in the other, 'i ho 
most extensive anatomical researches have demonstrated, that there is no essential difference. 
in the siie, shape or composition of the hraio, in any of the races. There are all Boris ol 
heads and phrenological indications in all the races, and the same proportional variety in 
as a critical investigation will prove. It is my long settled opinion, that all the , 
differenceR among tho different races, are entirely the effect of differences in climates. Bui 
however or whatever the real causes may be, it is demonstrably certain, that there is not the 
slightest differonce of human identity or capacity, in any ol" the rune". 



3d OUj. — Imprudence. 



By this objection is not meant those casual error*, which the best of men will sometimes 
commit in tho best of causes ; and from which owing to human infirmity, even the wisest 
are not exempt, -vide Horn, vii 18 — 24. A criminal, wicked 'imprudence' is in the sense of 
the objection, always insinuated against the abolitionist". Their enemies will never specify, 
and state wherein their 'imprudence' consists; but merely repeat thi use, that they 

'like their principles, but not their measures.' 

And what is the 'nature of the 'imprudence' charged by this pretence? Imprudence, to obey 
the commands of God, by 'opening our mouths for the dumb', 'remembering those that are ir: 
bonds &c.' ; and a hundred others similar ! Imprudence, to imitate the example of our Sav- 
iour, arid that pf his followers the prophets, apostles and martyrs I Imprudence, to ob6y the 
commands of God, in preference to those of wicked men ! Imprudence t to preach rigbl 
ness, in spile of the threala of such men ! Imprudence, to piaetice the Golden Rule ! Impru- 
dence, to discharge pit &c. For thia is all the 'imprudence,' the ubo!> 
are honestly iaiJ justly chargeable with. One cannot but help reflect here, how very 'impru- 
dent' in tho view of the virtuous objectors, must have been the conduct of Christ and hi 
loweis ; and that of all great moral and political reformers since. 

And we are sometimes told, that if the abolitionists will only stop preaching and discontinue 
their exertions, the mob will let them alone, and they can live safe and secure. That is to 
say, if they will only give up the discharge of Divine duty, and the exercise of a Divine and 
constitutional right, and obey tho will of wicked men instead of God's will, they con be safe ! 
Andsomay every reformer ho 'safe', on the same wicked condition. All that is necessary to 
ensure ruck 'safety', is simple submission to the arbitrary dictates, of every tyrant that threatens. 
Our revolutionary fathers might rcadilv have obtained tin? ki 



ill the usurpations of lha British - II the ; 

had nothing left to ho secured. Peace on such turrns is submi ; adc»' 

as the Turkish and Russian slavi ' d what real 'security' is there in foist peace 

vide Jer. vi 14, viii 15, Eze. siii 10, 16. Ii is better to have no peace at all, than • i 
conditional 'peace' as this. Open war is always better than such 'peace'. We must i 
expect contention with moral corruption, if we do our duly by i 

Yet most opposers of abolition contend, that the abolitioni 
reckless, 'incendiary' measures, in the profession of good principles, 

ces ; that they have denounced slavery and slaveholders, with tbt n<] the 

bitterest invective ; and therefore something is wrong ; and that must be, the Bpirit of ab il 
A cause which requ': uoh violent support, mu 

is the inference commonly insinuated. 

Now all tliis clamor is caused by the simple fuel, that the only violence ol tin 1 
is the violence of the truth. The <>nly force they have ever used, is the force of the truth 
They do pot use or pretend to use any other. only force their enemies Jea 

them. They fear the arguments of the abol.'i the truths tin 

claim. 'The heat which offends the opposers of abolition, is the ardor of conviction, and thai 
y.eal (or the service of righteousness, that neither nope nor : ' rice the abolitionists 

to suppress.' The words of the great Pitt are strictly applicable, to the nature of the zibI that 
animates the present abolitionists. To put a stop to (he exhibition <>i argument* ihi 
neither refute nor endure, the enemies of abolition have invented this and i I 

So also the abolitionists have been accused, of wild enthusiasm and visionary fanaticism] 
a charge which has never been attempted to ho proven. But are !hey more entbusiasti 
the prophets, apostles and martyrs were ? vide 1st ( i 7, and numeroui 

passages. Or than Luther and the other protectant reformers were ? Or than oi 
ary fathers were ? Or than good men engaged in good causes usually have been ? Or waa 
any good cause ever more deserving, of all tho enthusiasm inspired by it, than that of the abo- 
lition of American, slavery ? No honest man can believe, that the abolitionists pos.-- - 
much enthusiasm. But v^ry few of I hem have, enough. 

But for argument's sake, suppose these false charges to be I rue ; and what then ,' Bi 
abolitionists in some respec'.s do wrong, is abolition itself therefore v " : 

il.y must be wrong, for the same reason ; for a great many christians frequently do wi 
And so must infidelity, federalism and democracy, masonry and anti-masonry, banking, com- 
mon schools, and every thing else that men engage in ; lor what is there even thoug 
good in itself, that men use. that they do not abuse ? Tor though the- command be other- 
wise, (I Cor. vii 31,) yet it is certain that men abuse all the blessii 
for instance, is the excellent art of printing abused. How many lies an<! bad hoi 
printed. Ought we therefore to break all the printing presses and types, and d< 
itself, for fear il may be still further abused. And should w< oilier arts a-. 

ences for the same reason ! Was the cause of our revolutionary fathers wrong, bei iu« 
sometimes acted wrong in that cause 7 ' g because it was 

Has the conduct of its friends any relation, to tl any< latever 1 M 

tainly not. Any cause may be good or had in itself, lei the conduct afits friends be what u 
will. This objection certainly proves far too much tc good for an 
ridiculous to merit serious refutation, even ifil were as true as it is false. 

According to the spirit of this despicable pretence, no person ought to unite writh ■ i 
or party, or other association, no matter how ju c ;, 

intentions may be, because som ■ - I I will ih> w. 

neither whig nor democrat, mason nor anti-mason, method 
else in company or union with others, for fear of being exposed to their err 
He must beeorne a complete moral, political and intellectual nosentity, for fear ofconv 
So contact with human infirmity and corruption ! He ought in facr,' to become a uermit Ol 
voluntary ou'caPt from all human society. Where would have been tbeofarutta . 



Lber good institutions, had their founders acted on this principle ! United action 
good, righteous and benevolent purposes whatever, is the spirit iff the whole Scriptures : vide 
Ps. exxxiii 1, Eph. iv 3 — C, 13, 16. and numerous other passages. 

And it has beon objected to the abolitionists, that they have given great offence to others. — 
Undoubtedly the proclamation of the truth and righteousness by them, has been excessively 
offensive to the slavish corruptions of the country, and to the spirit of slavery every where ex- 
isting m it. It always had that effect. Such proclamation was offensivo to Pharaoh, to Her- 
od, to the Jews, to Nero, to the Pope and the Romish church in Luther's time, and to all 
other corruptionists ; as it is now to the American slaveholders and their supporters ; and for 
the same reason ; because they are comipt, and the truth condemns and reproaches them; 
vide Matt, ii 3, 16, xiv 3, 4, Mark vi 17—27, Acts iv 1—3, vi 10 — 14, vii 54—59, and a 
great many other passages. The proclamation of the truth lias generally been more offensive 
to the guilty, than that of falsehood to the innocent ; because there has always been more 
guilt than innocence in the world. But ought such proclamation to be discontinued for this 
reason ? Nay, verily, it is the strongest reason for its increase ; for the more corruption 
there is in the world, the more strongly does it need resistunce and exposure. It offends 
nothing but moral corruption ; and therefore gives no criminal offence. See tho following 
among ether passages : 2d Cor. xiii 10, 1st Tim. v 20, 2d Tim. iv 2, 3, Tit. i 13, James iv 7 
fyc. Such was the conduct of all the prophets and apostles, and of all great and good refor- 
mers since. And their example is in strict accordance with the whole spirit of Christianity. 

But the objection ia as essentially false as it is absurd and contemptible. To say that no 
abolitionist had at any time, said or done any thing respecting slavery or its abolition, that 
was wrong or imprudent, would doubtless violate the truth. 'To err is human', and the ab- 
olitionists as such lay no claim to perfection. If the great apostle was so very imper-f 
he represents himself to be, (Ron>. vii 15—24,) much more ought we all to tremble for our 
own imperfections. The abolition cause like e»ery thing else in which human agency min- 
is doubtless conducted with some degree of imperfection The duty of christian pru- 
dence is ajso strongly enjoined in the Scriptures ; vide Matt % 1ft. Rom. x'vi 19, 1st, Cur. xiv 
20, Phil, ii 15, and many other passages. The spirit, ofthese commands is, to be prudent in 
keeping ourselves pure and avoiding sin But the spirit of the whole Sciiutures also is 
buke and denounce riins, especially great and custo!r>; ; h ihe most unsparing 

»ty,— vide 2d S '0, 16; E;ae 

Maft.xxiji 13.HJ3, '13, and a thousand other 

passag ei _ s goes to tho utmost against sins of every -description. And 

all the woes and denuneiati I . ered Volume are persona!, being levelled agai- 

transgr s no abstractions. The -abusive langua 

the abo' . edfof. But have they ever said or published any thing more 'abu- 

sive?,/han the language ol quoted; or of many-others bo quoted ? — 

Or were the abominations rebuked in those passages, greater than these of American slavery 7 
Or is it an : :' -age in reproving Bin, to cuii things by their trife names ; as tho 

Bible always docs 1 If it is, then the spirit of the Scripture . . re 'abusive' th 

abolitioniatu . • 

Nor is there any t/iour 

and all the pn , pursued no other. And in the lung 

denuiieiuiiuu, we discover curious tracea of the natural dis;u ;h speaker oi 

The sublime iiah, the molanchel) Jeremiah, ihe ferocious 1 grave, 

learned and eloquent Paul fyc., all pursued one method in opposing sin, • 
rebuke, without any cpuahtication, eoajpruiiHsa or reserve, And the prophets and apostles 
were commissioned and sent to pursue this eourso, an examples I vide 

n. iv 12, Heb. xi 33 — -iu, xii 1 t&jc. und other passages. A compromise. 

I taught in the Bible. The Acts of the Aposiles are full of instruction on this 
tmint. The christian 'prudence' of the apostle Paul, exposed hirn to constant da 

.... x j 



59 

i 

will every body that pursues it in the spirit of the Sen; 
Neither the invectives of Garrison nor Bourne, nor of any o 
.,,« us they are. have ever equalled the severity of the i 
i .inspired writers can equal the severity of such denunciation. The i 
ity is obvious. No other method will i 
flrossors. When 

in crime, unln .sod by a voice', 

n the. medical art, that Uhe remedy 

n cdy bo what it will, it must be violent also; as all 
physician the moral as in the physical world. Moral reme 

inveterat. 

refore the uniform direction of God'. Word. 
eedas a peat sin ; vido Iso. xxx 10, Jar. v 31, vi 13,.viii 10, aiii 
rous other passages. Uncoasing agitation and trouble in the praet.ee of .in, » 
doctrine of tl 

preaching accommodated to the corruptions of the dm. 
extent is, is r< the passages quoted, as among tl 

must therefore be ■ virtue and duty. None of the abolitio 
in the severity of the against the da 

of them have erred and ly, in not having denounc 

than they, have done. . . . 

The Law of Nature thus agrees in this respect, v ll 
ment is still further manifested by the fact, that open 
safest as well as most effectual course, for those who admini. - 

ltorv , respectful slavery, will riot secure the i 

era They despise such c an, cowardly and inc 

pursuit of thi. , n Society, has not Irtd the -Ughtesl 

ish slavery ; but the reverse ; and they despise that Society accor. , 
. the bold unc. 

*ve hoard many pretend to approve abolition p 

he way and manner of abolitionists. When pressed to espial , 

ro , I have new ,uld object an; 

Of importance to them, unless that they were too violent. This habitual 

to me, of the hvpoerisy of such. pretenders. If they really saw and b. 

means' and mode/of abolition to 1 




pre*tunc 

^yoSta^obe^ 

a Biblo doctrine , the pretenders perverting the follow 
pose- Matt ,i 81, Rom. xiii 1-7, Tit. iii 1, LtP 
£. d'uties "good citizens and subjects 
not however fhe spirit and meaning, ol 
Mm of such laws, I admit is 
that this is the real meauing.. Tl 
to bad laws; but unif 



CO 

*>n their part; thus manifesting their submission to the penalties; but not to the laws tbem- 
«elvei«. All the apostles and the other martyrs, voluntarily submitted to the penalties of tor- 
ture and death, inflicted for the breach of wicked laws. The pretence theD, that we are reli- 
giously bound to yield voluntary obedience to the accursed laws and customs of slavery, or to 
other wicked laws and customs, is as false as it is immoral and dangerous. Where human 
lews contradict tho Divine Law, we are under a Divine obligation to disobey them. 

It should be remarked in conclusion, that those sensitive and delicate objectors, to the se- 
verity of ab dition invectives, are never known to find any fault, with the blasphemous scur- 
rility and fiend-like malignity of expression, habitually employed by the slaveholders and their 
friends, against the abolitionists and their measures. To this kind uf violence, they attach no 
'imprudence', and see no objections ! Also, that although the habitual language of slavehold- 
ers and their agente towards the helpless slaves, is the dialect of hell, consisting of the most 
blasphemous threats, curses and oaths, yet these tender, scrupulous, conscientious pretenders, 
^ever s^e any thing 'imprudent' or objectionable in it ! But <f such conduct and the charac- 
ters of those who exhibit it, are correctly delineated and exposed by the abolitionists, even in 
Scripture language, the objectors denounce the descriptions as 'hard language', 'ferocious de- 
nunciation', 'unreasonable severity' &c. ! vide Prov. xxviii 4, Matt, vii 3,4, 5. 



4th Obj. — -Danger. 



That the abolition principles and cause are very dangerous to tlurtry, and io all its destruc- 
tive consequences and influences, is readily admitted. That it will finally put an end to tho 
tyranny, poverty, misery and other evil fruits of the abomination, is certain. That abolition 
>s dangerous and destructive to error, crime and unhappiness, is also certain. But that Im- 
mediate Emancipation ever was or ever will be, dangerous and destructive to any thing good, 
is positively denied. It is slavery that is dangerous to virtue, happiness and prosperity; and 
not its moral and political opposite, — abolition, ft might- as well be feared that virtue, right- 
eousness and holiness, would be dangerous to human happiness, as that the abolition of sla- 
very will. Abolition is a species of that righteousness, the immediate practice of which is en- 
joined all over the Bible. Immediate Emancipation from its nature, never did nor ever will 
produce any bad 'effect, Disobedience to God's commands only produces danger. 

It has been said, that the doctrine of the paramount supremacy of the Law of God, over all 
the laws of men, is a very dangerous doctrine ; and that the preaching- of it if necessary, ought 
to be suppressed by law. That this doctrine is very dangerous to the practice of slavery and 
othar crimes, is most true. It is the foundation stone of abolition and all other righteousness ; 
and its' enemies have no other means of preventing the overthrow of slavery, but to suppress 
the doctrine if they can. But this doctrine is the life blood, the only sure safe guard of liber- 
ty in the world ; as was argued in the First Lecture. Let it be once abolished, and the whole 
human race will soon be divided into two classes only, tyrants and slaves. It remains now 
to be seen, whether infidelity and slavery united, are strong enough to suppress the preaching, 
"I" this great fundamental doctrine. 

Enough has already been proved in the course of these Lectures, to satisfy every honest 
mind, that the apprehensions entertained by many honest but ignorant persons, of danger from 
abolition, is a mere bug-bear ; just as if obedience to God's Will could produce danger ! But 
for the sake of complete illustration, it should be stated, that there are several special reasons 
why, even if no instance of emancipation had ever occurred, we ought to believe implicitly be- 
forehand, that though slavery is always attended with great danger, yet its immediate abolition 
never can bo ; that danger lies only in continuance in sin ; no! in forsaking it ; as the histo- 
ries of all the cases of both kinds proves. 

The first and greatest of all reasons is, that we have the Express Promises of -Almighty 

God that the righteous, wluntary abolition of slavery, shall bo without danger. No greater 

righteousness an i justice can be performed, than such abolition ; and tho uniform prom- 

.... r»f q« U ...... i! ,.. ri ■ ■■ -■ who work righteousness. 



6J 

This ■peomisa la in i li by puiept and fxampl«, 

'•and times over. See the following passages : Ex, xv '26, Deut. xii 23, IV xi 7, xv |J. 
lxxii'3-7, lxxxv 10-13, cvi 3, Prov. viii 13, 20, x 2, xi 3-11, 18, 19, 20, xii 29, xiii f,, tiv 31, 
xvi 7, xxi 21, Isa. xxxii 17, xxxiii 15, 10", li 7, S, liv 17, I viii 1—12, Dan. iv27, xii 3, Malt, v 
6, Act*, x 35, Rom. viii 31, xiv 17, Hob. xii 1 I, James in 17, [8, -J i P t. li 5, &c. &c. I 
case df immediate, unconditional, volunta lion that has 

titrated the perfect truth of this gnat c!< i Souih 

America, in I -;t Lndiea and • i the amount of millions of slaves, a 

suited in the most yierfect peace, harmony, g6od will, friendship an i ity and ban- 

all persons and parties concern- lightest had effect ever followed any of 

them. 

'}liglUeousness , is doing what i- slice is doing what is just and hones: ; being 

nearly synonymous in their meaning. I have Bometimes been astonished at the conduct of 
some professing christians, who pn tend to understand much of tho Scriptuies, and profess to 
have tha most uoLimi !od, but yet feared danger from aboh- 

tion : vide Ma't. vi 30. The Scriptures threaten the greatest dancer to the practice of llu 
man i Oppression ; vide Job xxvfi 13-23, Prov. xxviii 3, Jer. xxii 3, 5, 13, Eae. xxxiv 2-10, 
Amos iv l, 2, Rom. i 13, 2d Pet. ii 13, and a g but they uniformly 

teach the safety and prosperity, attending the opposite practice of tij thus declar- 

ing what the Law of Nature also teaches, that only one of two moral opposite! can be dan- 
gerous ; because their natures being directly opposite, their effects must be opposite also. Bo 
peace and prosperity are always promised in the Scriptures, on repentance ami reformation 
from sin; vide Eze. xxxiii 14—16, and a hundred other passages equally plain. For christians 
therefore, to pretend !o fear danger from immediate abolition, is conduct most absurd and crim- 
inal. .-uch faithless apprehensions prove, that they doubt the veracity of the Almighty ! 

Nor have infidels any just reason, to indulge fears of danger from immediate abolition. For 
the Law of Nature which they profess to believe in, exactly corresponds with that of Revela- 
tion, in guaranteeing peace and safety as the effect of it. \Y'e. know by experience and obser- 
vation, that repentance and reformation from evil doing, always works peace and safety. If a 
person who has injured us repents, asks our forgiveness and makes us all the amends in his 
power, we always forgive him and forget his transgressions. Such Obnduct always disarms re- 
venge instantly. It never fails of producing that effect. The Law of Nature coincides in this 
effect with that of Revelation ; vide Rom. xii 17 — 21. Bad, consequences have frequently been 
charged on abolition, as the effect of it. But it is impossible to prove one, bad consequence, 
ever to have followed a single act of immediate, voluntary emancipation. Complete justice ev- 
er produces complete safety. The 'Horrors of St. Domingo' a:* they are justly called, were tho 
result only of attempts, to reduce the negroes of that island again to slavery ; as has been prov- 
en thousands of times. They were the effects of slavery; not of emancipation. So all the oth- 
er pretences of such consequences, are directly contrary to all the evidence in tho cases ; and 
those who make the pretences, are very careful never to bring theev dence forward. The St. 
Domingo evidence as well as much more nearer home, proves another inl resting faet, name 
Iv, that all the danger from attempts ond propositions to abolish slavery, arises wholly from the 
slaveholdexs, and their supporters, and not from the Blavesand their friends. 

In furtrrer confirmation of the great doctrines here Ivanced, I state it as a fact, that not a 
single case can be found in history, where any considerable number of men, ever knouftnghj 
returned ovil for good. History is filled with accounts, of men's knowingly returning e\il for 
evil; but not of evil for good. By the term 'knowingly' 1 mean, where men knew beforehand, 
that they had received or would receive, fair, honest, righteous treatment. 1 will admit that 
many cases may he found in history, where men through ignorance and mistaken notions ofdu- 
ty, have returned evil for good. Such as the case oft I "iir Saviour by the igno- 

rant multitude, most of whom had not probably seen hie miracles, a believed him to 

be an impostor and a dangerous man. Such n as ihe case also, oflbe treatment of christians by 
the multitude afterwards ; for the same probable reasons. Such also was the case of St. Paul 
before his conversion; who through ignorance persecuted the christians ; vide Acts xxvi 9 — 11, 
1 Tim. i 1". And such have been the cases "I ii'? persecutions, of most reformers and useful 
innovators since. History Contains a great many similar cases, of returns of evil for good, 
through mistaken notions of duty ; but not one, where any considerable number ofmen render- 
ed such return, knowing it at the time they did so. 1 will also in candor admit, that there al- 
ways bave^ been in the world and yet are, a comparatively small number of individuals, judi- 
cially hardened, having consciences 'seared ns with a rpti bol iroo.' who 'f 1 wicked enough s« 
lave opportunity, to return evil for good, - their greatest banal 



62 

These are the 'reprobates' so often described in tho .Scriptures, whose 'end is, the perdition of 
their souls.' I suspect the leaders of tlio multitude who crucified our Saviour, were men of this 
description. But what I contend for is, that no considerable number of men, were ever found 
to conduct thus. Nor can any such considerable number even among slaveholders, (unless it 
be in reference to their slaves,) now bo found thus to act. And were any such number now to 
bo suspected, they certainly mu3t bo among the slaveholders ; for no others can be found wick- 
ed enough. And least of all men ought wo to fear them, among ignorant, grateful, happy eman- 
cipated slaves. 

Thus do the express promises of God, as well a* His Law exhibited in HU Works, equally 
guarantee peace and safety, as the 'fruits of righteousness ;' and to abolition among the rost. — 
They both prove that immediate justice, is in nil cases the highest expediency ; because only one 
of two moral opposites can ever bo dangerous. People sufficiently enlightened to understand these 
guarantees, are thoreforo without excuse for the indulgence, of their absurd (bars ofdangorfrom 
abolition. They abuse their own reason and commit sin by such indulgence. They ought to 
have more confidence in their Maker, than thus to distrust His promises. 

But aside from general laws,' there are somo peculiar circumstances in the condition of our 
slaves, that will insure th«ir good behaviour after abolition. They have always been accus- 
tomed to the hardest labour and the scantiest fare ; so much so, that their physical, energies and 
warlike propensities are greatly reduced. They are wholly ignorant of the art, and possess 
none of the ordinary means of war. They understand none but the arts of peace; and of these 
none but agriculture; which and which only they understand well. They are admirably quali- 
fied to get their living and be useful, as well paid and well used agricultural laborers ; but are 
wholly unfit for warlike purposos, without a great deal of discipline and instruction. Nothing 
but the desperation produced by slavish opprossion, could stimulate them to rebellion and war. 
They are without arms and ammunition ; while tlio whitos have plenty of both. There are in 
the United States, at least four times as many white as black people. To pretend to fear dan- 
ger unfler such circumstances, from a body of people thus habited and situated, vnd when all 
m o tives to create danger ure taken from them, is excessively simple, weak and cowardly. The 
naked truth is, there is j.ot a particle of danger in the whole case, except of tho slaveholders' 
own making. The only real danger is from them; not from any body clso. 

And as Mr. Burleigh justly argues; before emancipation, tho slaves have three motives to re- 
bel, namely, the remembrance of pest, tho sense of -present, and the fear of future wrongs; af- 
ter emancipation, but one of these motives will bo left, and that ono the weakest of the three; 
to wit, the recollection of past injuries.* And how soon do men forgive and forget such inju- 
ries, ou the repentance and reformation of the criminal party ! No case can be found where 
this motive alone, was when attended with such circumstance!), ever found to excite revenge , 
Such a result is as contrary to nature a-rit is to Scripture. The Scriptures expressly forbid hu- 
man revenge, (vide Deut. xxxii 35, Ps. xciv 1, Rom. xii 19); becauso men in tho pursuit of 
revenge, are wholly unfit to do exact justice ; while the Almighty alone is-. Thus do the Laws 
of Revelation and Nature exactly harmonize in this doctrine. Immediate emancipation takes 
away all disposition to rovenge. Gratitude and joy instead of revenge, fill the soul of the libe- 
rated slave. Besides, after emancipation, the new made freeman has muoh to lose by rebel- 
lion, that he had not before. His character, safely and peace, me greatly increased in value by 
emancipation ; and he is more euro to lose by robollion than before. It will be most for his in- 
terest to keep the peace. He will have a personal interest in the prosperity and peace of tho 
country, that ho had not before; when every thing that increased either, only strengthened his 
own chains. Without voluntary emancipation, war is his only chance of freodom ; with it, 
war is his only danger of renewed slavery. By emancipation, he will enjoy all tho domestic 
comforts of which he is now deprived, and of which rebellion would again deprive him. In 
*hort, immediate abolition will in effect, withdraw all motives to rebel, and furnish several new 
onos, ff> guarantee the good bohaviour of the slaves. 

But if this pretence of danger from immediate abolition be true, what becomes of the pretence 
of the inferiority of negroes 7 As already remarked, ono pretence or the other must be false; 
for if the latter he true, no such danger can exist under any circumstances. The two pretences 
neutralize each other ; and thus afford strong suspicion thst both are false. Again, we have just 
proved, that the fears of danger from immediate emancipation in this country, are tho most weak 
and cowardly that can be imagined. Yet many of the contemptible alarmists who protend to 
indulge them, are among tho foremost to charge the abolitionists with cowardice, for refusing to 
go to the south and be murdered ! Cowards ought not to accuse others of cowardice. If tho 
abolitionists bo cowards, these accusers have no right to reproach them. I never had any char- 
ity for tho pretended fears of such alai mists. It is not the lose of safely but of unjust power, that 
these corruptionists lour. 

A groat body of objectors to immediate abolition, on account of its alleged dangers, pretend 
to be in favor of gradual abolition ; which they argue, contrary to God's promises and com- 
mands and tho lights of experience, to be unattended with danger; whereas it is in truth, the 
onlv kind of. no it ever can ha' 1h© piiuerple ol 



radualism is, to eonti i 
Scriptures; vide Rom. iii 8, \i I, 15. 

The gradualist* talk of the necessity of education, io prepare the 
whereas it is impossible to keep a great multitude of 'educated' slaves in bondage 
And tho slaveholders are so sensible of this tact, (and no men understand il they 

utterly prohibit all literary instruction of their slavesi under the severest p naltiei li Blavory 
is to lasiTir tho smallest period of time, the necessity is, to prohibit in lm tion lui • 

wholo period of the delay ; foi du ition during slavery would lead directly to rebellion. Tho 
slaveholders well know this ; and are obliged to prohibit it for that reason. And they dr. ad tho 
presence of the free negroes so much, that they nave fabricated the Colonization Bchomi 
raove them out of the coantn nuisances.' To educate is to en 
is to elevate ; ami the slaveholders know it welf. The practice of slavery i 
aid of all its 'horrors,' Its whipping, starving, maiming and othei criminal agents of fear 
ment to which 'educated' persons will never submit. Nor have the -1 iveholderi tho slightest 
intention, of permitting their slaves while tnstaved, to receive any literary or other instruction, 
and become thus 'prepared' as tho cant is, fur emancipation ; or rather rebellion. Their onlj 
chance of safety while slavery exists, in in keeping their shaves in the must brutish ign 
possible. Besides, wore they disposed to educate their slaves, and were such education safe, 
they cannot afford the titna and txp ry for tho purpose ; both of which must b< 

great. Fer them to send all their slaves old and young to school, a sufficient time t" 'educate, 
them, would be a dead loss to them ; and is nut to be thought of Gradual abolition on ih 
paratory plan, is a chimera in every point of view ; and for people to wait for it in prufcroncn 
to immediatism, will bo like waiting for all the water in a river to ' ll plan of 

substituting 'apprenticeship' for slavery, as is done in apart ol the British West Indies, by 
which apart ofthe wrongs and cruelties of slavery are n tained, is found to produce a fruitful 
harvest of discord, trouble, inconvenience, cruelty and abuse, exactly in proportion to the a- 
mount of sluvory retained ; not of liberty enjoyed ; while in th I, immediate aboli- 

tion, (in Antigua and Bermuda), none of these mischiefs folio 1 of tho im- 

mediate plan, like that of the temperance and all other reformations, will yet produce far too 
'gradual an effect, for. the greatest good of mankind. The truth is, immedi 
the only kind, that is perfectly practicab! 

educated, they must like their white brethren, educate themselves ; and this the] can on 
in a state of complete freedom. Tho first only safe step to their elevation 
arid complete emancipation; And in such a condition, they w .\u« to 

any desirable extent, without any other assistance but what they will theme 
cure and support. The only people in this country, who need any 'pi | 
emancipation, are the white, not tho coloured people- 

The plan of emancipating a part at a time, from year to year, is attended with in 
ficulties, on account of slaveholding policy. As Mr. Birney a foirrif . 

remarks; it is a fixed rule of that policy, never to employ free negroes with slaves. The prac- 
tice is attended with too much danger. Neither will white persons in the 
with free blacks. Their society is considered too degrading. Nor will the planters cmr 
negroes at all on their plantations ; nor will other* employ them ifthe; Their pres- 

ence and freedom is dangerous to slavery, and the planters desire on tins account, to get rid of 
them altogether- If therefore a part, say a tenth or a greater proper i i 

bo emancipated at a time, great difficulty and daftgor would attend the meas mt of 

the slavery still existing. Tho emancipated portion would fur wanl • 
compelled to emigrate to the free states ; and thus the measui 
many people in tho.-o states pretend to fear, as the r< Bull oft il 
the slaves were to be emancipated at once, none of these diflii 
would bo obligod to hire their former slaves. And thi 
by the want of freedom, there w< to hiring the w 

can be taken of the case | immedial ill appear as th Mud. All atl 

by men, to alter or vajry with a view to improve, the mode that G 
duees now difficulties and dangers. 

And yet we frequently hear of tl 
necessity of crime for I 

specious and refined ll) think of il 

every moment, by depriving 

them; necessary, to compel men to labour wil i to buy 

and sell and Hog and starve ami overwork them, 

cure in the acquisition of rti I to marry, to *i 

the Scriptures,' to educate then children of 1 ei com- 

mands of God ; ncscssanj, in short, to continue in the 
Law of God, for the sake of supporting one oftho greatest crimes a. 
part of the; Scriptures justifies fwc/j 'necessity' 1 What part of 1 '■ > cvi! 



64 

.'ut good may grow out of it? !Such a 'necessity' must be of its father the devil. It can onlj 
axist as one crime is 'necessary' i<> support another. Abolish the grand crime slavery, and all 
liie other crimes 'necessurv' to support it, will be unnecessary. And to what absurdities does 
not this abominable doctrine of gradualism lead? To think of the necessity of 'gradual* repen- 
tance of sin ; or talk of the necessity of 'gradual' reformation from the crimes of murder, theft, 
robbery, perjury, itc. 1 The doctrine is far too absurd for recognition, even by human laws; 
much less by the Law of God. Its advocates would be ashamed of its application, to the caso of 
any other crime except slavery. 

The preaching of gradual abolition was never known, to have the slightest tendency to abol- 
ish slavery. When the slaveholders are told by the gradualists, that slavery is right under pres- 
ent circumstances, their consciences are soothed and calmed ; and remain so, because they know, 
that so long as slavery remains, these 'circumstances' must also remain unchanged; and these 
remaining unchanged, perpetual slavery is right ! This is the necessary tendency of gradual- 
ism; for it is impossible to practice slavery at all, and yet to change these 'circumstances' ; and 
the slaveholders know it. The slave 'reign of terror' must continue without the least "relaxa- 
tion, so long as slavery itself continues, for any period of time however short. Slavery must 
itself be abolished, to procure the abolition of any of these 'circumstances; they being absolute- 
ly necessary to support it. Thus Wjlberforee and his associates made but little progress, til) 
they renounced the doctrine of gradualism in 1624, on the appearance of Elizabeth Heyrick's 
pamphlet. And American slavery never increased so rapidly, both in extent and rigor, as it 
did during the fifteen years, that the excellent Benjamin Lundy (than whom slavery never had 
a more zealous enemy) labored in Baltimore, in the cause of gradualism and colonization. His 
benevolent but mistaken labors, operated like an opiate on all slavcholding consciences. And 
it was not until the appearance of Mr. Garrison's withering invectives, proclaiming the Divine 
doctrine of immediate abolition, that the nation began to awake from its long slumbers, over the 
abominations that were hastening its own destruction. 

No body supposes, that because the doctrine of immediate repentance and reformation from 
sin is preaehed, all men will immediately obey it. This would be to expect too much from 
corrupt human nature. Reformation is always a 'gradual' operation. So notwithstanding im- 
mediate emancipation is preached, the process will still be 'gradual' ; and must be preached to 
procure even this ; for the preaching of gradualism) will never produce any abolition at all ! — 
Slavery will grow the faster for it. But it is the duty of all men, to preach and proclaim the 
doctrine of immediatism every where, because God has commanded such preaching. And it 
is no excuse for the neglect to preach it, that wicked men will not immediately obey it ; for if 
it were, it could never be a duty to preach immediate repentance at all, though God has com 
manded such preaching to be done every where ! It would render all the preaching in the 
world entirely superfluous 1 

Much alarm has been < xpressed, at the prospect of the liberated slaves, 'roaming about' 
'loose' as it is called, stealing, burning houses, cutting throats. &c. without a parttcle of evi- 
dence to render such conduct probable. All that the abolitionists have ever desired to see the 
slaves 'loose' from, is the criminal laws and customs of slavery. They wish the slaves to be 
Moose' or fiee from nothing but. tyranny. They have never asked nor desired, to have them bi 
any body else 'loose,' from the restraints and responsibilities of just and equal laws. No per- 
son is or ought to be 'loose' from such laws. They wish the slaves emancipated into, not from, 
the restraint and protection of just, impartial laws. Nor will the slaves be 'loose' from such 
laws after emancipation. But in the sense the alarmists intend, are not the slaves now 'loose"' 
Very few of them are confined in irons or dungeons. They are as able, and a thousand times 
more desirous, to rise and 'burn houses, cutthroats &c. now, than they would be after eman- 
cipation. Furthermore, they have now, the strongest inducements that men can have, (escape 
from oppression), to 'roam' into the froe stales and elsewhere. And in fact, some fifteen thous- 
and or more of them, have already 'roamed' away from tho 'happiness' of slavery into Canada. 
A multitude more have from time to time, 'roamed' away from this 'happiness' into the froe 
states; and multitudes more, perhaps the most of them, "have tried the same kind of 'roaming' 
without success ; as the whole of them undoubtedly would do, had they a fair opportunity. — 
But complete emancipation would destroy all motives for this roaming; and considering line 
strong attachment of negroes to their places of nativity, would probably put un entire stop 
to it. 

Competition of black with white labour is another objection, set afloat so far as my informa- 
tion extends, by men who never oared a straw, for the effects of the competition of any labour- 
on tho poor, whether white or black, until the liberty of the slaves was talked of. They nev- 
er object to the competition of white labour with itself; though the same reason exists, if there 
is any reason in the objection, in the one case as in the other. Nor have these alarmists ever 
been known, to lament the effects of slave labour, on the welfare of the poor class of whites 
at tho south. Vet it is a notorious fact, that a multitude of poor whites of this class, are by the 
tendency of the slave system, to accumulate all property in a few hands, and by the monopoly 
of slave labour which this accumulation produces, kept in the greatest poverty, want and igm> 



And this lai ' 

one cause, why the slave st I 
states livo' in a state of tlopi 
norant and degraded 

: 

it may soriretimes b. I 
ny importance to ac< i 
more than equ 
ad. Nor is it any thii 

, v ridiculous, as thai ofthe comp< litton I 

■ 

I 
lore- than they lose h 
old thick settled com;'. 
It is the very worst policy for an) 
from their limits, whether black or white. A:, I 
,„iii,i of them, to prevent th 

than to those 

■ ' i-;, II be 91 I I | 

ri 

ial kind. Yet some corru| ti ni 

lei some special Provi I 

special | 

is only, that if nations will n 
from national sins, they will finally be destroyed. Pharaoh s 

' en a i 

should 

'jJst man? (Gen. vi 8, 9, vji 1.) and a preachei of »ri 

| ar special providences farnj be found in ill 

reflect on who incline V practice the righteousness the Bibl< 

Many affect to U ai - '•"•/ should in some way or other, sutler in the gi 

en sii-o-'le. This is a fearful apprehension to those, who care more lor their ' 
than foMur.-ii.-n, truth and righteousness. If indeed these alarmists mean, that kind 
racy' falsely so called, that tolerates and supports slavery, and 
kind of oppression, by preventing its abolition ; and to prohibit a la, 
mericans; from participating in the enjoyment, of the blessings of liberty and equ i 
most and ought to sutler : and the more it suffers the belter ; lor il is th - worst kind of d 
tism that ever existed. The 'democracy' of slavery, is the despotism 
instead of ono. But if it bo meant that 
richts to all mankind,' then I say, it is identical with al 
Sine democrats existing. The alarmists may 
principle with imme 
rlllull ' the '" lllJi: <" 

the practice of abolition righl 
moral and political antagonist, ofg 
absolutely Necessary, to the 

I do -J. know of a more.:. ;'v °< 

praise liberty fa ' h . ow , 

commonhas l • " l "' 1 

much propriety, 

I other cri.n. 

1 j act as such. 

in the world. 

.,,, the Wisdo, 

I 



roform from national sins, they will hnally be closiroyea. ruaraon s 
iplify the doctrine. The world al 

; aociety, to which these blasphemous corruptionists seem wil 
firstrcduce this country; vide Gen. vi 5, 11 — 13. Ami Noah 



66 

from a bawJy house or a camp, ae from a slave plantation. They are equally the hot LeJa til 
-<ice and villany of every description. The pretended piety of slaveholders is exactly described 
.n Matt, vii 15—20, xxiii 3— 5, 23—28, Acts x.xiii 3. 

The best general answer to all pretences raised against abolition is, that the Bible does not 
teach the doctrine, of worldly expediency in the abolition of sin. This ought to be a sufficient 
answer to all, who believe that Book to be the Word of God. It abundantly teaches that full 
and immediate justice, is in all cases the highest expediency. The uniform command is, to 
cease sinning instantly, without any regard to imaginary evil consequences. The doctrine of 
such expediency was never taught by any other persons, than those who regarded more the 
supposed interests of men, than obedience to the commands of God. The reason ofthe peremp- 
tory character of the Divine commands, was doubless because it is impossible, for any evil 
consequences to flow from obedience to them ; so inseparably has the Almighty united our Du- 
ty and Interest togeiher. All past human experience attested by authentic history, proves the 
truth of this great doctrine. 

I have no doubt but a good many ignorant people, who have never critically examined this 
subject, and understood its real merits, have entertained honest fears of abolition. Bnt this I 
have constantly observed, that the greatest pretended alarmists are such as are never alarmed, 
for the safety and happiness of the slaves. They are in general, people who have never mani- 
fested the slightest sympathy for the oppressed. Though they have known the poor slaves to 
be constantly exposed, to the greatest dangers and sufferings, yet for them their sensibilities 
have never beeii excited. But the moment they apprehended the interests of the slaveholders 
to be in 'jeopardy' they felt or pretended to fear, a strong degree of sympathy and alarm for 
them. And it is clear, that this sympathy has arisen, from a fear ofthe abolition of sin, and 
the triumph of justice and righteousness. I have no fellowship with such sympathy. Nor have 
I any charity for the pretended patriotism of those, who sympathyse with tyrants only. 

And it is also equally remarkable, that this kind of sympathisers never see any danger, in 
continued slavery. They always feel easy and secure on this point. But it is a manifest truth 
which many of them must know, that slavery is fraught with dangers of every description. — 
Not only is it highly dangerous to the morals, the piety, the wealth and liberties of a country, 
but to its strength and integrity. Slavery cripples every nation that tolerates it, and weakens 
its power of resistance against invasion. For this reason it proved the ruin, ofthe Roman Em- 
pire and many other countries. It has often appeared wonderful to me, that this danger was 
not better understood in this country. Never was there a truer maxim, than that 'a house di- 
vided against itself cannot stand' ; as all history testifies. Now that Great Britain has abolish- . 
ed her own slavery, ours is to us the more dangerous. And for military reasons, which all 
who have any correct knowledge ofthe military art can appreciate, should another war break 
out between this country and Great Britain, or any other nation equally powerful, the result 
can hardly fail to be disastrous to us. The best military policy calls loudly, for the abolition of 
slavery in the United States. Great and imminent also is the danger of slavery, to our remain- 
ing liberties ; as the political aspect ofthe present crisis demonstrates. Freedom of speech and 
of the press, are the fundamental supports of all other rights. Suppress these, and our liberties 
are gone forever. On the subjects of slavery and abolition, they are now suppressed in the 
slave states ; and we may judge of the danger to which they are exposed in the free states, from 
the unceasing efforts made to destroy them there ; with so much apathy and little opposition to 
those efforts, from a corrupted slavish public sentiment. The crisis has now arrived in which 
it is ckar, that all the people of this country must be freemen, or else all slaves. The spirit of 
slavery will permit no medium or compromise. The preservation of northern liberty therefore, 
demands the total extinction of southern slavery. 

And supposing there were seme real danger in abolition ; what I ask is the amount of this 
danger, in comparison of that of continued slavery ? Such continuance will not only destroy 
new and increasing generations of black victims, but white ones also. The present horrid out- 
rages or. the rights of freemen in this country, forewarn us of this inevitable result. The threat- 
enings of God forewarn us of the same catastrophe. Colour is no barrier to slavery ; as Euro- 
pean experience proves. Nor ought it to be any barrier to emancipation. Slavery never re- 
mains stationary, any more than other national vices. If long persevered in, it enslaves the 
whole laboring population. 

And the longer abolition is delayed, the greater will be the difficulties and dangers attending 
its accomplishment, on account ofthe increased numbers of masters and slaves, and ofthe ser- 
vile habits of tho free states. These difficulties are less now than they will be at any time here- 
after; and this fact should stimulate every lover of righteousness and his country, to persevere 
in his exertions, until the mighty work is accomplished. That the dangers of slavery are very 
great and are rapidly increasing, is admitted by all. All are agreed on this point. But how 
easy is the remedy for them 1 Simple voluntary abolition, with scarcely any perceptible trou- 
ble, expence or danger attending it, and with every good effect in certain prospect, both to the 
slaves and masters and to the whole country, is all that is necessary ! Let us all hasten to ef- 



G7 



Vsct it (lion, in tlio shortest period possible, 'working for that purpose winlo the day liutg,' wi 
'.he fullest confidence in the promises of God, thai it will work every bleating and no evil. 



5th Obj. —Abuse of Rights. 



It has been gravely argued or rather pretended, that wero tho slaves to ho restored to their 
sights, they would be liable to abuse them in various ways; just as if the appri In nd< 1 miscon- 
duct of others, will justify us in depriving them of all their rights. This is tho spirit "I" the old 
federal objection to universal suffrage, and the extension of equal rights to all. And the i "no 

Ketence is now urged in Europe, ag linst universal suffrage, and what mic called popular rights, 
ww often was it formerly asserted in the northern states, as it is by the slaveholders now, that 
universal suffrage would ruin the country if tolerated, because, poor men destitute of pi 
would abuse the privilege. But the absurdity of this phantom has been demonstrated, at often 
as the right of suffrage has been extended. The tion is raised by aristocrats all over 

the world, against the extension of equal rights. And yet of all men aristocrats are the moat 
liable and ready, to abuse rights of every description. They are more wealthy, learned, skill- 
ful, powerful and unprincipled than the rest of mankind; and they abuse all their rights pio- 
portionally. Slaveholders form the worst ari tocracj in the world ; and from them we have 
nothing to expect, but constant abuses of rights. But we have nolVi I intentional 

abuses of rights, from people lik< our sla\ i - : who least of all men are able and willing to abuse 
them Corrupted as they are by the rices and tyranny of the whites, they itivelj 

honest, when contrasted with their masters, overseers and other white neighbors. Th 
dom commit crimes except from necessity ; while tin ir masters are in the habit of committing 
thorn, from wantonness, caprice, avarice, malice and revenge. From whom then ought we 
most to apprehend abuses of righis ; from the slaveholders who have been educated in such s- 
Uuses; or fiom the poor slaves who have never had any rights to alms.- ' If any body ought to 
be enslaved on account- of liability to abuse rights, it is certainly the slaveholders; who of all 
men ore the most liable to such abuse ; as their infringements and perversions of the British 
West India apprenticeship act, and their habitual enormities under " 

prove. And least of all men, ought we to fear dangerous abuses from poor slaves, who have 
always been obliged to make the most prudent and innocent use, of their few poor privileges, 
if any they have had that deserve to be called Buch. The dan f rights to any dan- 

gerous extent, from former slaves in a state of freedom, is a mere bug bear. 

It is often said, that the coloured people must be made, to keep 'their proper places' in so- 
ciety ; and that ifthey are allowed equal rights, they will become insolent, ungovernable and 
abusive; the meaning of which is, that these people must be enslaved, so as to occupy the sta- 
tion in society, assigned them by slaveholders and others; and not the station which God and 
nature have assigned them ; that is, an equality with the whites in abilities and light?. Every 
person's 'proper place' in society, is what the just and equal laws of God, not tho unjust and 
unequal laws of men, have assigned him. God has created no aristocratic or slavish divine 
tions in society. They are all artificial wicked inventions of men. Kings were granted to men 
as a punishment and curse to them ; (vide 1 Sam. viii 5 — 22); and they have generally proved 
themselves to be such. The truth is, equal rights are natural to mankind, as the equality of 
their natural abilities and wants proves ; and the inequalities made in the distribution of tho30 
rights, are preserved by unnatural and criminal means; which cause all the pretended 'inso- 
lence' apprehended or complained of. It is the abuses of rights offered to, nolfrom tho colour- 
ed people, that provoke all the resistanco and cause all the disturbance with them. The same 
kind of disturbance is apprehended by the aristocrats of Europe, as what is likely to annoy them 
sorely; and deeply do they regret the progress of their subjects in that knowledge, which pro- 
duces tho necessity of their submission to so many 'reforms,' alias innovations on their stand- 
ing abuses of lights. The outcry of their brethre^on this side the water arises from the eamo 
cause. It is the loss of their unjust power to abuse the rights <>i" i oloured pe i| Le they fear.— 
They dread the restraints that equal rights will impose on their aristocratic indolence, caprice 
and pride. They dread the loss of the unjust and criminal 'gains of oppression.' And this is 
all they fear. For the total loss of justice, virtue and happiness produced by slavery, they havo 
no fears nor regrets at all ! 

But if coloured people are so very inferior as is pretended, what reason have the whites to 
fear their abuses of rights? Nobody ever fears that very weak simple people, will ever abuse 
rights to any dangerous extent. History informs us, that we never need fear great abuses from 
t/iem ; whatever wo may from others. Nor do men ever fear such abuses from brutes. 1 
two pretences are irreconcilable; of course, one or the other must be false. The dilemma they 
present is this. If the coloured people have equal abilities, Divine justice demands for them 
rqual rights ; if they havo not, there is no danger of their abusing these rights to 
extent, e\cn ifthoy do h >*' r them. 









Law y 90 ? Nat , 

;; !l m;in ^ r " 1 n«'aved arid who !y deprived fell ££.">" " th ° ,° bjeeti ' ' 

, foi (oar they may 

ou S !utr,b.,al!cdto ;! r,oun t ind,iAo r^' '' * is » »° »™ 

he thereby injure. 
■ pfthese, tho« mc jS; ; p " m J" r,es - A "' ! forlheredrese 

lito-andaH train one m:u 

and this only. Nol , 

of their abuse, in the ordinary , , tevantion 

ri ^ : : no fti, * ;•. 

bu " *«», «>d when tbey awSffil o • 'bl s ' 7 "'i' ' nC " i he -" tlle >' *<* 
able mankind, tp undorsti ' r fef .& 

Ifythemtovindicai buses; bowe' may qua- 

thons orj.avagoa, in ! , I 

tainlyknow rite, will as cer- 

< or any oth, ■ 

lyre. ell, he will a< 
thuscl 

ndsthe 

cou^tabllity.-- 

this cana, nolnthemTv^ ™d nature both pLc 

whenhevvron I • ^ instinctively knows 

**&: T - derstobd, that 

whyihe Scriptures 1 liw is the reason 

Uw al S o recognizes the The Common 

the broach of : tble for 

This instinctive knowledge is the reason ™i £. T , Go « demands for them, 

civ.liz. ba°jn«£n£3, intention between 

Earning yoft 3 mIT^ W . T,iOU « 1 ' * e 

hts, by their unprn cfnl i .;'■■■- 1 C ."'"- v fdl 'henumerous infringements 

means they had. open fo ;t: ,., HE It £ K " * ilh "* only 

»d why (hough everv Sn is p Spared for tstlm SEE * l * ''^ " S ° V ° ry dm ^ 
red' for slavery. Every slave knows 1 Sly w oil i hi ' , r^' " "° r CU " bc ''' M l' il " 
itiJbrnbthiWbS7'ftSrJ >> rights are wrongfully vio- 

1 »**thi are perfectfy iwS? ° T T tty lo USHU,t tbem h y f °«=e— 

ncra^ ^ngly And though whole ge- 

ors is not altered, and the same da -' lm: a,1,i "»"*? ° lu °" access- 

must come ; and either v. ill, or vviE ' ct continues; .so that in the end freedom 

Emancipation may be delayed by * !,tlon ia forc ^ or ™lunta,y. 

heycanneverj na i accomplish 

which will finally ' P re P««° the means for its attainment ; 

imty. It is no more 

i fo poor illiterate whites. The objection 

a ever ! ^ °< autocrats; whose interest and inclination 

aak« oi • , ' . ' ■ .' ,oms , r j. '" or l er '° oPPross the multitude, for the 

derstanding.tocomprehfnJ ndum 



> 

■ 

lion will be tolerable compared Willi whal it n 
lights. 
I will i mcl li my remarks on this objection, tat 1 

■ 
rights, or u a them improperly. I have also beard those talk abou) 
people, who are alw don- 

gnat ami svi . 

6th Obj. — Pauperism and Vagrancy. 

I never yet heard this oh I, by any body thai manifi I 

u mpei ism, degradation, hai dnhip , mi 

hopeless londrtioa ; nor foi what ihey might nuff i i 
. until their liberty and rights were talked M ! 
in a ^ '. never made any impression on their human. I 

bolition began to be seriously discussed, (In ii 
their 'milk of human kindness' began to overflow ; and they became suddenly impressed with 
that' the poor slaves would come ti I Such disgusting bypo< 

honest minds, with sentiment! ol nletnptof 

To talk of the apprehended want and poverlj ol ■ iflh< ; r en 

poverty, want and misery, in a state ol freedom, IhuB thoj already 
experience in a slate of slavery, Yet disgusting as this | i id stale as it hoe b< 

oomo, and contradicted us it has- been by every case of emancipation, thei i j I mi f( * 
ignorant or wicked enough, occasionally to bring it forward. Lei 
merits, or rather demerits. 

A great lamentation has been raised upbn the stn ngl 
mancipatcd cannot support themselves. When perhaps some of the newspapers 
circulate the alarm, contain advertisements of 'lot* of Blavi Id at auction or other- 

wise, and describing the victims as 'likely,' 'healthy, ' 'strong, active and 
ous, capable, honest, intelligent,' $-c. 'first rule field hands, cool , hou 

uch as tailors, blacksmiths', c«rrp< liters m ison 
and frequently as 'moral,' 'sober,' 'steady,' and even 'pious i 

before heard of the 'inability' of persona of this desi ription, to 'support ih 
of freedom and equal rights; especially in a country like ihi | rate,' health; 

ly, skilful, intelligent, honest and religious, labourers are so scarce, as to command hi 
ges in comparison of those ol other count ri< i7 The high prices ofsla\ -, th.it 

their wages must bo high after emancipation. And (his too notwithstanding it is generally 
estimated, that the labor of one freeman is worth at icdsl that of two slaves to the cm. 
As they are, the slaves do support both themsi Iv< a and [hi ii 
great profits to their owners. In a state of freedom they will easily do the same ; to the great 

ol both parties. The senseless cry of 'what shall we do with 
ed, when the slaveholders cannot do withotil them, bond 01 fi Their steady employ- 

ment in either condition, is a matter ol both to them and the whites. B..(h 

will come to want and starvation unless they are thus employed. The absurdity of 
renders it harmless. 
The truth is, if we jud • 

. 



16 

fcounl ol their invettrate habits. They cannot be 'worse off' than they now are; so that if 
their condition altera at all, it can hardly fail to become belter. Their inveterate and forced ha- 
bits, are those of the greatest industry, temperance and frugality ; or rather of drudgery, ab- 
stinence and parsimony ; and we well know, that people possessing these habits, are least of 
nil liable to come to abject and squalid want, unless forced to it by oppression. If others 
come to want they do not. Of all people, we know they are the most apt to accumulate 
property and improve their condition ; and the history of every case of emancipation, proves 
the truth of the doctrine. Emancipated coloured slaves have uniformly improved their condi- 
tion, in proportion to the degree of freedom they have enjoyed, as much as any white people 
have • a fact that proves freedom to be necessary and good for all ; it having uniformly im- 
proved the condition of mankind. There is not one 6lave in a thousand but who is better a- 
ble, to get a good living and be useful in a Slate of freedom, than the average of white labor- 
ers. Still more ; there is not one in a thousand, but who can get a belter living for himself 
without property, than the majority of the whites can for themselves with it. This will at 
first view appear wonderful ; but a little reflection will soon satisfy every one of its truth. All 
the habits of the slaves give them this superior ability. It is a remarkable fact, that oppress- 
ed degraded and abused, as the free coloured people falsely so called have been, there has al- 
ways been le?s pauperism among them in proportion to their numbers, than among the white 
population. It has been a rare thing te hear of a colored paaper. They have done as well for 
themselves as could be expected of any people, placed under like discouraging circumstances. 
So far as experience teaches, there is not the slightest reason to apprehend pauperisnij among 
our colored population, in a state of republican freedom. k is an evil the least to be dreaded 
of any. 

As to toant of employment in such a condition, it is to those who view things in the light of 
experience and sober reason, a false pretence on the face of it. For so necessary is the stea- 
dy employment of the colored people at the south, in their present condition, that the prices 
of slaves are high, and their employment is so profitable to their owners, that considerable 
numbers arc killed off annually, by excessive hard labor and want of food. After emancipa- 
tion also as well as before, colored labor will meet with no competition at the south ; white la- 
borers not being able to endure the hot climate of those regions. After emancipation, there 
will be the same need of colored laborers, and even a greater want of them, than before. For 
as free labor is cheaper to the employer than slave labor, as all economical writers agree, the 
profits of southern agriculture will be increased, and the stimulus of fair wages will insure a 
orcater amount of labor, than that of the whip. Such has at least hitherto been the uniform 
result of emancioation. In Antigua the slaves were all freed at once, and put on a level with 
their masters in one day. In less than a week they were all employed at fail wages. Not 
the slightest disturbance or convulsion, or scarce any inconvenience followed. And the gene- 
ral nrosperity of the island ha6 in all respects, been far greater than it was before. 

Impoverishment of the slaveholders is also another objection, raised by persons who never 
cared a straw for the poverty and misery of slaves. Sympathy for tyrants is a crime, and aa 
such ou^ht to be detested. And were the objection as true as it is false, we ought neverthe- 
less to urge the justice and lighteousness of immediate emancipation, without regard to ap- 
prehended losses, of unjust tyrannical gaios. Tyranny is a worse crime than treason ; and 
those who sympathise with tyrants, are worse than those who pity traitors. 'Treason against 
tyrants,' said a great man, (Patrick Henry, a slaveholder,) 'is obedience to God.' And he 
might have properly added, so is all manner of righteous opposition to their tyranny. 

But it is not true, that the practice of righteousness is unprofitable and ruinous. There is 
hardly a slaveholder in existence, who is also a landholder, (and most slaveholders are land- 
holders,) but who will increase his property and income by abolition. And abolition is the 
best possible policy for all slaveholders, who desire to accumulate the greatest possible quanti- 
ty of property. They cannot increase their property so fast or so much, by any other 
means. Bv abolition they will to be sure, lose their property in human bodies and souls ; but 
they will gain a much greater amount in value otherwise. They will gam it in the increase 



of present profits ; they will gain it by saving tho lo*se» and expenses of slavsry ; bu! »ti^,4 
all, they will gain it in the rise of the value of their real estate*, as iho cerain result of abu!:- 
tion. Judging from West Indii experience, within ten years from the tune emancipation 
takes placo in this country, that increase will be much greater, than tho value of all the 
slaves emancipated, great as that may be. They will also gain that which is of much mora 
importance than wealth, namely, exemption from the dangers with which ibey are now sur- 
rounded, which though daily increasing they cannot avert; and a peace of snlight* 
ened consciences they cannot now enjoy. The increase of gain to iho slaveholders 
from abolition, will be very great in every way — vide Ps. xxxvii 10, Prov. xv 1C, 1st Tun. iv 
S, vi 6, Heb. xiii 5. Tt is civil freedom that gives to property its greatest vulue. As a matter 
of sound policy, therefore, independently of justice, it is every way the duty and interest of 
slaveholders, to abottsh slavery. According to recent authentic accounts, the planters in the 
British West Tndia islands all now admit, that the twenty millions pounds bonus they receiv- 
ed, is equivalent to a free gift ; such has been the rise in the value of their real estates, du- 
ring the period that has elapsed since their abolition. A similar result will follow emancipa- 
tion here ; because like causes always produce like effects. 

Of similar futility and falsity, are the pretences of vagrancy^ idleness and crime, set up a- 
gainst abolition, by persons who never had any apprehensions of the actual vagrancy, idleness 
and criminality of slaveholders ; though these are habitually idle, criminal capricious and cru- 
el. They are also accustomed to travel, ride and 'roam' about the country, indulging in all 
manner of dissipation, extravagance and criminal excess, and rioting upon the 'gains of op- 
pression.' And yet their apologists and admirers in the free states, manifest no alarm at such 
conduct ; but express the greatest apprehensions, lest the industrious and frugal slaves, may 
possibly contract habits of idleness and vagrancy! Their virtuous fears are, not that those 
who are already dissipated should remain so, but that those who are not may become so ! — 
When and where and by whom, was such tender concern for the morals and welfare of 
slaves ever manifested, as to wish them to remain in slavery to preserve both! Admirable 
means indeed for such a benevolent object. Nor do these patriotic alarmists manifest the 
least anxiety, at the wandering habits of a great many people at the north, travelling about 
'loose, 1 and 'roaming' from place to place, as suits their inclination and interest ; many of 
whom are far more idle, dishonest and depraved, than any of the slaves arc. The hypocrisy 
of these scandalous alarmists has become so disgusting, as to defeat their object. Their 
prognostications arc n<»w generally treated as idle tales, 

One class of peopJe need special reproof, for iheir participation in these criminal pretences. 
A great many professing christians seem perfectly content, with the initfinito continuance of 
slavery ; through fears that tho negroes if freed, will come anwng them. But what sort of 
christians must these bo, who are willing that slaves should remain in interminable bondage, 
deprived of all rights, comfort and hope, both now and hereafter, merely that their own tastes 
may not be offended ! What rational hope can such persons have of salvation 7 — vide Matt. 
xxv 45, 1st John it 9, II, iii 14, 15, 17, and many other similar passages. What are we to 
believe of the religion or final fate of those, who habitually neglect the plainest commands of 
scripture, such as those in Prov. xxxi S, 9, &c, on such protencee as the foregoing? Will 
God accept them as excuses for such neglect ? Nay vorily ; they will only increase the con- 
demnation of those who use them. 

Wherever just and equal laws prevail, there is no danger of idleness and vagrancy. The 
cause of these evils in despotic countries, is not on account of climate and want of natural ad- 
vantages, as some ignorantly suppoas; but whnlly on account of unjust, oppressive laws and 
customs. Wherever men's just rights are carefully protected bv law, they will always be in- 
dustrious and virtuous; and the countries governed by such laws will be rich, prosperous and 
powerful. Let emancipated slaves havo the benefit and protection of good laws, and their in- 
dustry and good conduct will bo insured. Nothing but good laws are needed to produce thin 
happy effect, after any case of emancipation. 

So *!so the scandalous charges of 'nuisances,' 'inmbuscs, and 'blights sn our industry,' made 



b} the Colanh ..-..-. _. ai i. ith i eoi iptioni ! , 

slaves,, are now generally reckless and contemptible falsehoods; The falsity of 

these base charges lias been so glaring as to defeat their object. Common sense taug!.: 
body, that the real 'nuisances' in any society, are those who like our slaveholders, spend 
more than they earn, by living in an idle, luxurious and wasteful manner ; and that in truth 
the slaveholders and other aristocrats, are the greatest 'nusiances' 'incubuses and 'blights,' in 
the world ; and least of all such, are the industrious and frugal poor, whether enslaved or not. 
It is not those who earn or produce all, but those who spend without producing any thing, that 
are the true 'nusiances.' What would be thought of the republicanism or moral honesty of a 
man, who should deliberately declare' that all the neighboring population, the operatives aad 
producers of the northern stales, were 'nuisances' and drones? Or who should call the north- 
ern farmers, mechanics and manufacturers, 'incubuses' and 'blights on our industry ?' He 
would be of course' contemned nnd despised as a base liar. And so injustice and truth ought 
every one to be despised, who applies the same false and degrading epithets, to our industri- 
ous colored population. They have done more than any other class of persons, to feed and 
clothe and enrich the nation ; and will continue to do so bond or free. Eut as if it were not 
sufficient abuse to enslave them, they must be further i.isulted by these base charges ! These 
charges first promulgated by the Colonization Society, were too gross and offensive for our in- 
telligent population to swallow ; and they have not therefore been lately repeated by that So- 
ciety. They are of no use at the present time, but to nerve the purposes of inferior, retail 
slanderers. 

The same pretence of 'inability to take can. of themselves in a state of freedom,' was rul- 
ed by the British government against the colonies, previous to the revolutionary war. It 
is the standing pretence raised by all aristocrats, again.st popular government and equal rights. 
That government kindly undertook, to legislate the Colonies out of their freedom, because 
'they did not know how to use it.' Since its independence however, the country has in gener- 
al, very easily governed itself. The only serious internal political troubles it has ever had, 
originated with its slavery ; and this accursed cause is the only serious evil, that now disturbs 
its harmony. Any stalo can easily govern itself well, if it be free from slavciy and slavish 
laws and customs. 

T)ut to come more closely to the point. There is nothing in the habits of run slaves, no pe- 
culiarity in the nature of colored people, to warrant any just apprehensions of their vagrancy, 
idleness and crijninality, in the enjoyment of freedom and equal rights. Negroes in their sav- 
age state as in Africa, have stationary habits, are always whether civilized or not, strongly at- 
tached to the places of their nativity, and are as susceptible of the influences pC civilization, 
;<s the white raco. They are remarkable for their fidelity and gratitude when well treated. — 
Those of thorn who have 'roamed' to the north, into a climate uncongenial ta their constitu- 
tions, were driven thither by the grievous oppressions of the south ; and were the yoko of bon- 
dage to be removed from the southern negroes, there is more probability of those at the north 
emigrating to the south, than of the reverse. Their labor will find no competition in the 
south ; then why should they go to the north, where they will bo sure to encounter it? It is 
reasonable to suppose, that all reasonable being* left to their own free agency, will be opera- 
tod upon by reasonable motives. Am! when all the reasonable motive? that can induce men 
to promote their own interest, conspire to urge our coloured population to the south, as they 
all will alter emancipation, it is reasonable to conclude that most of those now at the north, will 
thpn remove thither. They certainly will not lack for employment there. The steady em- 
ployment of the coloured ppople at the south, is not a matter of choice ; but of absolute ne- 
cessity. In a state of enual freedom and rights, the whites being unaccustomed to labor, and 
unable to endure the heat of the elunate, must employ the blacks or starve. They will have 
no choice of laborer: ; lor they cannot profile a substitute for black labor. White hands can- 
not loi >! in hot climates. Why then should the black; go to the norlh to 
. ete with white labor ; while by remaining ^ tho south they can avoid it? They never 
will bo simple enough in a state of freedom to <lo so. The blacks will be the best, and indeed 



9nce, even if ihoy had a choice. Were all >.he bIbvi . lo be ema 
would bo sure of being hired ihe noxt day, or [lie next week ui ihe farthi 
is ihoir steady employment to the white populalion. No other laborers would even in i . 
competition, stand half so pood a chance for ■ i . . id wage 

okilful. The knowledge and skill of the slaves is confined within n nam 
igricullural pursuits of the south, it is accurately perfect ; and the rrn 
;iy skill in the ar«s they poe - r laborers can at all compare with I 

of skill, in this most important department of industry. It is a curious fact, that althou 
same alarms of 'idleness,' 'vagrancy' &c, were raised in the British ielan 
.emancipation, they have since actually passed laws in some of the islands, ' 
emigration of their free black laborers, to other places where there is a greater demand I 
bor. They a;a extremely unwilling, to part with their 'nuisances,' 'idlers' and 'blights i I 
industry'! The negroes it appears wish to goto Demcrara, not for • 
'roaming about in idleness' and committing crimes, but to g-ct the high wages • ' 
fine country. But the islands cannot spare them, and so they must be h 
sances 1 indeed ; when their services ore so necessary Jiey cannot be spi 
will produce the samo effect in this country. The demand for fret 
than the supply ; and many of those same colonizalionists, who i 
to get rid of those 'nuisances,' the free blacks, will then b»j as am 
country. 

And here T ought to notice the blasphemous pretence, 
coloured people in the free state*, as against foreigners and criminals ; and a 
Jng citizenship dependant on colour! It is said in defence of this in 

lacks in the free states are injurious to the slave states; or as the real I 
to the practice of slavery. And thus out of comity and respi ct to tyrants and for 
of crime, innocent people must be legislated out of their right 

of the country, by republican legislators! The competition of their , it of tho nor- 

thern whites, is also sat up as an apology for such wickedness ; by mi n who art well :, . 
that the monopoly of slave labor impoverishes the poor southern whites; and who mui 
know, that such legislation only tends, to perpetuate slaver] and its evils. On theii 
ing, this pretended 'necessity' for such legislation, is produced only b 

lion is only intended to support the abomin ition. It is said alio by e or apology. 

that the free states entertain -just fears, of the free blacks within their borders. Pears of what? 
That their free blacks will conquer or jeopardize, twenty or thirty times their number of ' 
Gan ihis bo the meaning of these alleged fears'"? One can hardly believe it ; though those 
raise the pretence are the very persons, who charge the abolitionists with coward ici ! No, this 
is not what is meant by these 'fears' of the north; or rather that portion of it, whii 
legislates upon the pretence. Their real fears are, that the northern froe blacks will . 
southern slavery. And so rights must be trampled on, and justice outraged, and God's provi- 
dence blasphemed, to prevent this effect. Native free born Americans not even 
crime, aro deprived of citizenship and other rig mt of colour it is said; but more 

truly on account of slavery. The vioraliiy of such legislation is, that because slaveholders 
abuse the colored people, therefore others ought to do the same ; they are under the necessity of 
doing so! 

It is sometimes pretended, that this kind of legislation \* 'n 
faction of the free blacks, towards their native country. Suppose this falsa whet 

I ask is it that creates this disaffection, hut this very legislation! What previ ifrom 

loving their country as well as others, but tho wiongs tho country is constantly heaping upon 
them? And what is so well calcul ■ 1 disaffection, ns the increase of 

these wrongs'' What man can, nay what man ought, to dors him aod 

his whole race outlaws without crime? Surely the colored poople need to be all real cbristi 
to 'love' such a country"! The 'republican' policy of the country is, to render all tlu co' 
people as disaffected as possible, by the severest oppression, and then because they are di- 
ted, to oppress them if possible still harder ; insult being thu, ., .do to 

justify crime. This is the morality of Ameri inisrol 

It has often been falsely alleged, that the slaves if freed, will be 'unab 
and v, ill bo 'unable to take care of themselve •' in a Bl ite of freedom. To rebut this calami 
pretence, I ask, when and where have not the free coloured people 'supported themselves'1 - 
Who has 'taken care of and 'supported' them, if tbey have not? Nay, wb 
ported the country if they have not? Notwithstanding all the disadvantages, under whii.i. I 
have hitherto lived and labored, let thoso who advocate tho pretence 



7i 

<-h.i, where any considerable nurnbei of them ever caro» to want, for lack «f skilful industry vn 
f.;<eir part. Do not the 15,000 I'ree negroes in Canada 'take care of themselves'? Who lias 'sup 
ported' the free black population of St. Domingo, South America and the British West Indies' 
Or if the pretence be true, why colonize free blacks in Liberia to 6tarve and perish? Or will 
transposition to a barbarous roast, increase their ability to 'support themselves'? If free 
negroes can 'support themselves' any where, it is in this country ; and i' they fail hero, it is 
ridiculous to tend them elsewhere for that purpose. It may seem like folly to show the falsity 
of so absurd a pretence ; but let the following facts prove it. Instances of pauperism among 
free blacks have always been extremely rare. Wherever they have had any thing like a fair 
chance for a decent livelihood, they have improved it faithfully. Even where they have had no 
such chance, (and they rarely ever had any); where they have been cheated, defrauded, swin- 
dled and otherwise abused, as they usually have been, they have generally preserved themselves 
from pauperism by honest means. Many slaves have putchased their own freedom, by savings 
obtained from extraordinary exertions, over and above their customary labor. Many free blacks 
have purchased the freedom of their relatives, with the proceeds of their labor, besides 'sup* 
porting themselves;' toiling years for this pious purpose. And their has been a smaller propor> 
tion of rogues and criminals among our free blacks, than could teasonably have been expected, 
considering the uniformly vicious and unprincipled treatment they have received. They are as 
fond of gain as other people; and fully as willing as others to labor honestly for it; as their 
general conduct has always testified. And if many of them have been convicted of crimes ; 
what is it but white treatment, white example and white legislation, that have corrupted them 1 
And is it net ridiculous to pretend, that people who have shown such ability in a state of oppres- 
sive degradation, will in a state of fieedom and equal rights, be unable or less able, to support 
themselves, and be as useful as before 7 The only people that will ever need 'taking care of,' 
either before or after emancipation, are the white and not the black people. 

So of the stale pretence, that 'negroes will not work unless they are enslaved.' And this cry 
is raised at a time when it is well known, that our commerce with St. Domingo has for moro 
than twenty years, been greater than with almost any other foreign country, except France and 
England. Or as before asked, if the pretence be true, why send American negroes to Liberia to 
starve? Will their natures be changed by transportation ? As before remarked, it is not colour 
or climate or oilier natural causes, but bad laws and customs, that render men and countries idle, 
shiftless and poor. The Haytians have their just rights protected by law; and are of course as 
industiious and as prosperous, as any other nation. So too of the hypocritical cant of 'what 
will become of the poor creatures if they are set free,' and 'how shall they be disposed of &c," 
raised bv persons who never cared, what became of slaves in a state of slavery ; and who would 
be much belter employed in making such inquiries as the following: What will become of the 
country, if the slaves are not set free ? V. hat right have we to 'dispose of people at all or to 
seek to dispose of them, without their request and without crime in them? What authority 
have we from the Scriptures, or from natural justice, to make laws with reference to colour, or 
other physical peculiarities in the human species ? What genuine republicanism is there, in out- 
lawing or disfianchising innocent people, in their own native country ? What genuine democ- 
racy is there, in depriving one sixth part of our population of till their rights, without crime or 
just provocation in them ? What impoverishes and degrades the poorer class of whites in (he 
slave Mans? What renders those states, as states, so very poor, and weak and defenceless a 
gainst foreign invasion; for every one of the slave statf s is in proportion to size, poorer than the 
poorest of The free states ? What is it that impoverishes iheir soil, retards their manuf ictures, 
commerce and public improvements, and corrupts and reduces their whole population, &c. &c? 
These ;o:.l similar inquiries, have a practical application and tendency, and arc highly interest- 
ing and important ; but the fear of pauperism among emancipated slaves, is one of the last scare- 
crows, that even hypocrites will set up against abolition. 

It has frequently been feared, that immediate emancipation would produce some great cotizul- 
sion or disruption in societv. i" some way and degree or other. So great a change must it is 
argued, necessarily have this effect. That the change from slavery to freedom is very great is 
admitted. Dut the alarmists should remember, that it is always a peaceful change. lhe reasons 
whv i< is and must be so, have already been stated; to wit that God himself has promised it 
shiil be peaceful Itis impossible that any bad efi'ect should follow. All the effects will be only 
-ood (and of eourse peaceful and agreeable), to all parties concerned. No special legislation 
or oli.er precautions will over be necessary, to prevent anticipated bad effects; because no such 
effects ean possibly follow. Let the good laws and customs of the country remain, to operate 
unon he whole population alike, without regard to colour or other circumstances, and they will 
be amply sufficient to regulate and govern the country happily, without the aid of any special 
means adapted to the emergency. . ., . .. 

I have often thought these pretences were raised, only by those who were afraid, that the 
Slaveholder, might not be able to live in idleness and luxury, if their slaves were to become free- 
men. These alarmists ought however to dismiss their fears. It is possible that some of the 
elaveholdere mav be compelled by emancipation, to exert mote industry than they have hereto- 



T5 

fore done. If tins is to be regretted, the alarmists may raise their notes again. Binoe 
it has been shown, that most or their protegees will gain greatly by abolition, we tn 
their fears to be false o 

7tli Oljj. — Compensation. 

Let us first examine the morality of this objection. It is contended, that the >l"£l>ojd 
case of emancipation, oujit to be compensated lor their lost ol properl 
•compensation' be just, a ought to bo made ; if unjust, it ought not to be made, I 
dual slaveholders really do In the solution of this pro| «"" u 

of the objection, . , r • , i 

What id Justice 1 It is rendering to every mm his honest o 
or punishment. La v of God, and bucIi the di lata nl e .mm n 

We all understand this to bo the true definition of Justice. Justice is a virtue stonily utijoiiiea 
t til0 g . ... 

show. Ti 

Ezo. xviii5-i), Amos v 24, Isl Pot. iii 10-12, &a The 



dorstand this to be the true definition of Justice. Justice is a virtue anrmj ^T"'"- 
•'•■ : as the pas ire win 

: of it is declared lobe happy; vide Ps. xxxvii 37, cxii, 6-0, 1 1 

5-i), Amos v24, 1st P &c The Scr"i| • 

„.j happy ■• ol i ; ms great - 

tending that ■ ■• •■ 

Nature discover d '. the same < : i< 

tice noi it is no 

denounced as a sin of the fir I in the Bible. C 

the gains m i le by it ■• "". ' Hun l "' 

mon thief and robber. The slaveholders then agreeably to the objection, ■ 
Bated, for parting with criminal ownership, and relinquishing "*•" 

When it cao be proved that the murderer, the perj r, 

common thief and robber, ought to be compensated, fi.rabslai 
crimes, and therebv relinquishing the means of tbeir dishonest an I • 
.honestly adrn to compensate guilty •riienstealers'; 

my wwn part, I would as ite a pirate as a slaveholder. Pira 

discreditable than slavery to be sure ; because it is not legalized, and ••••" P>- 

rates than menstealers ; and this is all the essential difference between the two cri 
that slavery is the greatest. Pretty morality, truly ! 

Nothing can be truer, than the total wantof all justice in this kind of compensation. In plain 
justice, the compensation should come from, not to the guilty slaveholder. He should pay the 
innocent victims of his barbarous oppressions, the wages lie has robbed them of, and d 
for the Stripes and other cruelties he has inflicted on them, lie has noju ! 
compensation for propertv he never justly owned, and the ownership of which was a continual 
crime of the first magnitude. Nor does it make any difference, that laws mad.' in d< 
contempt of the laws of God, permitted him to hold this property. Such laws arc only an ag 
gravation of the sin of staveholding; because community or union in crime, 
guilt and enormity. Retribution instead of compensation, is the ju?t doom of the 
In every other case, where a person parts with stolen or robbed property, we i • 
him to deserve pay; but al ways punishment lor Ins crimes. He himself n com- 

pensation in such a case ; because it is unjust, and he Knows it. And tin- ' muell 

greater and more siaiing in the ease of slaveholders, as the crime ol" slaved) . r than 

that of common robbery. A few and but a few of the slaveholders may sufii 
and if the rest who are" to gain by the measure, were to make up thi •r' rt °* 

'honor among thieves.' it might be no more than right. But excepting thisi -■ com- 

pensation in or by any other, would be as unjuel 
Perfect justice is not an arbitrary, mutable principle, varying with the ignoranl prejumci 

rupt hearts and tyrannical interests of wicked men ; but is a sure euian iti >n from the rrupt- 

ible throne of the Almighty. .Many men are too depraved, to 

clearly; or too selfish and wicked to practice it, if they did. Butt - nature 

or essenco; nor lessen their obligation to obey its dictates. It is the same imi 
every where at all times and places ; and it is so plain and obvious withal, that those Bre 
without excuse, who neglect or rclnse to understand and obey it. Even the most gUI 
know more about it, than tiiuy have honesty to confess. The most unprincipled slaveholders 
well know, that they have no just ri^ht to compensation ; because there is no merit in gu 
crime to deserve it. The rules of Di\ me justice are clearly detailed in the Bible I and tl 
clearly forbid compensation. Instant abolition is commanded without reference to it. lhe Bi- 
ble denounces punishment lor crimes unrepented of: but never rewaid for their o 
promises forgiveness on condition of repentance and reformation; but never compensation l>" 
those acts. What would be thought of the morality or policy of a law, that sh 
ind exemption from punishment, to common thieves, robbers 



7b 

taring their plunder? Yet these criminals are fat less guilty than slaveholder*. The slealin" of 
juon (Gen. xl 15, Ex. xxi 16, 1st Tim. i 10), like the stealing of things, consists in taking and 
holding them as property, without the consent of the owners and without any equivalent ; and 
the former crime is as much greater than the latter, as men are more valuable than things. And 
such a law would only encourage the commission of those crimes, by recognizing the right of 
property obtained by them, and by ottering compensation or bounties on its restoration. That 
must be an unjust and impolitic rule, that whould hire men to abstain from sin. Such a rtdo 
could never be an emanation from the Almighty. And that man who with the rules of the Bible 
in his hands, can insist on compensation to former slaveholders, cannot be much under the influ- 
ence of christian principles. 

Were not the white people of this country so dreadfully corrupted by slavery, they would 

see an. I acknowledge, that nobody desetved compensation but the slaves. If a white 

1 is abused or treated with the least degree of slavish oppression, every body perceives 

intuitively, that the injured person alone deserves satisfaction ; and is entitled to demand it 

bj law. And they also perceive as distinctly, that nobody ought to make the satisfaction, but the 

; ersons who have committed the injury. Who is ever foolish enough to dream in such cases, that 

the aggressor instead of the injured patty, isjusily entitled to satisfaction or compensation ! — 

Precisely similar is the compensation slave question ; varied perhaps by one circumstance.— 

• hole country, free states and all, are alike guilty of the oppressions of the coloured peo- 

| le. The free states have in a variety of ways, constantly aided, abetted and protected, the 

•lave states in their oppressions. They are all joint transgressors ; and ought to make joiut 

restitution ; not to the slaveholders ; but to the victims of their joint oppressions, Ike slaves.— 

\ his is what justice and equity require. This is what the Law of God # the common law both 

require ; aa the numerous authorities already quoted clearly show. This rule is so plain and 

indeed self evident to uncorrupted minds, that no arguments can make it plainer. There 

would bo great justice in giving the surplus monies in the U. S. treasury to the slaves ; but 

none at a'.l in giving it to the slaveholders. There is every kind of justice and righteousness, 

in making compensation to injured slaves ; but none at all in making it to their owners.— 

Compensation to guilty menatealers, would be the height of injustice and unrighteousness. 1; 

is simplv compensation Tor crime ; and would operate as a bounty on it. 

But the compensation question, so far as the pecuniary interests of the slaveholders arc 
concerned, is wholly unnecessary and unealled for. For if ap has been shown, the slavchold- 
era will gain more than they will lose by abolition, they will not need compensation anj more 
than they deserve it. Abolition being a privilege to them, they ought to gnre instead of re- 
ceiving compensation for it. According to all the premises in the case, compensation to 
slaveholders is as unjust and unnecessary, and therefore as unreasonable, as slavery itself is. 

Private gain is certainly a very base motive, to induce men to practice righteousness. They 
ought to bi thus induced", by the pure and ncble motive of love of duty. Hut it is neverthe- 
less well to have it understood, how 'justice is the highest expediency. 1 The abolition of sla- 
very would produce an extraordinary flow of financial prosperity, all over the country. Not 
only the southern but the northern states, would soon feel the reviving effects of this flow.— 
The southern demand for northern goods and products, would be more than doubled. The 
cities of Boston, New Yoik and Philadelphia, would gain a great accession to their trade — 
And thousands of the mobites who are now so eager to prevent abolition, will then regret 
their folly, in attempting to delay a measure, fraught with such signal advantnges. 

8th Obj. — Interference. 

\ great outcry has been raised against the abolitionists, for their inlevjcrcnce with what their 
enemies sav is 'none of their business.' Nothing has been more common than this vile cla- 
mour ; tbfl insinuation being always, that the 'interference' of the abolitionists with slavery, 
was an illegal or at least an 'improper' interference. When pressed to explain and offer rea- 
why This interference is wrong, most objectors will admit that it is legal ; but oppose it 
of impropriety or inexpediency. The truth is, both slavery and the m* 
led to abolish if, arc perfectly legal in this count. g ntste, .1 both 



operate freely togeth.r, on. .r the o.hcr mua. - n 

know: and pur.ue their measure, accordingly. 

Lani7..tion,di.cu«ion or other action. But i 

adopt measure,, that are always sinful and often Illegal. For, a, was remarked m th. Firrt 

Lecture, 'crimo cun only bo supported by crime ' 

There is at least a want of reciprocity in the pretence ; for, a, 

torn of the country, the north :rn .tares and people, always have I >t their b» 

slness' to support slavery in various ways. They have in the 

adTnconstitu^onal and oppressive laWe, for the Apprehension 

S „J many of them have voluntarily assisted in ,1ns imqurtou And ,n .ho an.* 

crimi^lspirit, most of the free states have enacted various o«her o 

Z d peSto B busa and degree them for ,h« sal f lav • . An., those nofortun. 

Icha'efoMhe same wicked reaso -eom* teen t,n,e to 

wicked state, Much persecution of the al ronis.s, by mobs and otherwise has also 

vatdrnhoseeutes. Yet .he cry is raised, that 'the north docs r, I 
"obusmesswil-r; ,* only when the north lhat.it. Mend. 

:ov( i it to bo 'none of their business '.' 
' Complaints have also been raised against the aholi, 
be P d«,m««c concerns of the slaveholders. But s 
more than murder or other crimes are. The power which .1 »"8 ■"»'•« 

natural authority of a parent over his children ; but is exactly -hat o. the usurped auth. 
llor yr.nl over his victims. And,:: 
I* ever bo iuslified, it is justifiable in the case of American slavery. No po.rrt of 
ity or good policV was ever plainer than this i. The spirit of the objection .-also false A- 
1 £5 and mil 'interference" with the -domestic relation,' of others ,. «- jh. nd 
oroner. Such interference is the constant pract.ee of every neighborhood. Christ and 
TsUes We ed' with those relations, by giving directions : ; --re,. 




most "indignantly interfered,' with certain 'peculiar ^ M ^ n ^^ZLuon, 

r w r r m r- 8 » — ;;: : t ? t 

:i:::;:/ uSu,:yi;: m etheaboi I uo,st, T ^ ... .,,,- h 0W «, r5 , y *. ™ 

fKSTbi obvious to reflecting *inds, that /^re are ^ ^of -busi 

, ; the one is, erasing our own just rights ,. a JH » PJJ m ne^ 

by the abolitionists ; the latter oy me , „„ i ,iu„„i i.nt and mi'Jst, or right and 

l h.rr t h«of.bu S i» e o»rjm(ri l! bl. «.«»«»! T .uf o.hcr,. 

lowet, 'none of their businees »• Endeavoring to promote J^"^ £ ^ 
lawful and peaceable means, W of Aorta 
nd loth, heathen ,n our own land a. 



*8 

nue, pe ceable and christian means, 'none of their business !' Laboring in 

the spirit of the gospel, to bring the nation to repentance and reformation, horn its greatest 
sin and thus to save itself from de their- business 1' With such horrid impie- 

ty is this pretence fraught. To sa\ that such woiks are 'none of tb>> business' of the aboli- 
tionists as all who assert tins pretence in effect do, when God says they ore the 'business' of 
every body, is-Qpen blasphemy.. 

Slavery is not mentioned by name, in the constitution of the United nor has thaj 

instrument any but constructive allusions io it. It is silent in direel sii| port of ii:e abomina* 
tion. It neither allows nor forbids the practice, any more than it does Christianity, Free Ma- 
sonry, Banking, Insurance, Lotteries, Common Schools,, Sectarianism, and 
Important niters, which it leaves wholly untouched. Slavery like those other matfers, is, 
therefore, a state or individual right, reserved to the slates where it prevails by custom, in iho 
general reservation clause pi the constitution, (vide Amendments, Art, 10,) and is wholly un- 
der their legal control. They only (save the legal right to abolish it by into. 

But slavery, like Christianity, free masonry, and all other re?er\ 
lions, or any other rights and institutions whatever, is under the moral control ol the whole 
world All men have a legal right to criticise and approve or condemn, the institutions, !«\vs 
and customs, of any country in the world, whether they be legal or nnl ; and if those institu- 
tions be wrong and sinful, they are under a Divine obligation, to smack and abolish them, by 
just and ieua! means. Every man has a right derived from his Maker, (not from human con- 
stitutions,) to examine and criticise any institution, or other subject he pleases, whether il be 
legal or not ; and if lie knows it to ba wrong and sinful, il he knows it !o exist in violation ot 
the Law of God, he not only has the Divine right, but it is his duly imposed by his Creator, 
(1st Thess. v 21,) to condemn and denounce it, and endeavor to abolish it; whether it be le- 
galized by the laws of meu or not. The Almighty has made it his imperative 'business 1 to 
attempt to abolish it. If a right or practice of any description be unjust, all men have the 
Divine tight and duty both, to 'interfere with,' attack and overthrew i', by just and leyri! 
means. All freemen are in the constant habit of so doin^r ; and the only reason why slaves 
dare not, is because they are not free ; >iud when men have lost the legal right thus to criti- 
cise, approve or condemn, they are already enslaved. The most fatal siep to the destruction 
of liberty, is the suppression of this right of examination. Every thing thai God has condem- 
ned, man ought Io condemn, whether :t be constitutional or not ; for although we may not 
possess the legal rijht of repeal, we always have that of exposure; and may lawfully termin- 
ate any evil custom or practice, by rendering it odious and unpopular. It is on this ground, 
that the late attacks on Free Masonry were justified. Free Masonry is as constitutional and 
legal as slavery is ; and in the same sense ; being a reserved right. Both practises have been 
legalized by long custom, and are thus reserved customary rights ; and neither ought to he at- 
tacked and destroyed, unless they are wrong. And if they are wrong, every man in society, 
has a legal right and Divine duly both, to destroy them by legal and christian means. The 
same remarks apply to the case of Christianity. Infidels are in the habit of justifying I heir 
attacks on the christian religion, by asserting thai il is a false religion and ought to he attack- 
ed ; and it is well understood and admitted, that they have a perfect legal right to do so. They 
never think of attacking it, because it is illegal or unconstitutional ; or because their means 
and mode of attack are otherwise. Whether any institution or custom ought to b>' attacked 
and destroyed, by moral means or not, depends entirely on the simple fact of whether it is 
wrong or not ; and not at all on its constitutionality or legality. For every !hing that is right 
ought to be protected and preserved, ( 1st Thess. v 21 ;) and every thing that is wrong 
ought to be abandoned and destroyed, by just and legal means, without regard to iis consti- 
tutional and legal qualities. For otherwise the laws of men may justly be made, to super- 
sede the Law of God ! 

It is on these principles, that the modern abolitionists have so fiercely attacked slavery.— 
The enquiry with them ha9 not been, whether slavery was legal or not ; for that nobody con 
tboBl . bit! whethci i i .-< n not not whsthei 



7!) 

• i | . | | 

aJ though slavery ia legal, yel it is (lie worst insii Id, and oughl therefore lo bo 

'interfered with,' and overthrown and destroyed by mural mean.-- ; as many olher \* t'-Jt ■ d cue- 
turns have been before. In conducting their all acta on the uboiti n 
ever confined thorn, strictly within the limits i fthe laws ol tli« Ian !. i 
the length the apostles and matters did , who frequently brokt the laws of the land, to attack 
heathen customs, iven their «. < • thorn 

for breaches of those luws , or in otliur word*, lliej have never used any but Lv. 
extirpate slavery. And so w. II has lilts' fact been understood, Iht 

under the necessity, of brcaki ig the constitutions and laws of the co intry I • mselvee, in nu« 
merous infamous instances, i.. oppose and auppn sa abolition : action ;— but utter, , 

ly in vain. The enemies of abolition huvc throughout all tho slave states, utterly prdnbiiod 
and suppressed, constitutional freedom of speech and of the pros*, on flie subjocti of slavery 
and abolition — and have endeavored to produce the Barn • < u.ct in ibe free sates, u, ut 
lutional and criminal means. Ail the unconstitutional, Migaiand unjust proceedings, that have 
occurred in the United Stule9, in reference to Blavery and it* proposed abolition, have been 
committed by the slaveholders ur.d their Biipporters ; while so strictly constitutional and legal, 
have been all the acts of the abolitionists, that their enemies in despair ol legal i 
Distance, have applied to various legislatures in the free states, - 

lor the express purpose, of rendering the means of abolition criminal They have nevr i 

able to sustain a single prosecution against tho abolitionists ; simplv bi ' t'ter n- 

sjuch, liave never broken the laws. Thy objection goes therefore only to the m ia >a Ul d against 
abolition — not l<> those in its favor. 

It is utterly impossible fir Congress or any Stato Legislature, to enact a constitutional law, l* 
abridge or in the least impair, full freedom of speech, ol the press or of the mail, on the subjects 
of slavery and abolition. When the constitution guaranteed freedom of tin press, Intend- 
ments, Art. 1), it impliedly granted and guaranteed all ilic means necessary, to the peril cl eiij \- 
inent of this right. This it does by what is colled, necessary implication. When on rrprcss 
power is grunted by any written or printed instrument, all olhei powers necessary to the lull ex- 
ercise of the express power, are also granted ; because without them the grant would lie imper- 
fect, or nugatory and useless. This is a well Settled rule of law. All the sopbislii al ingenuity 
that slavery could muster, has been. exhausted in congress to prove the contrary ; but in vain. 
The mail being absolutely necessary, to the full enjoyment of the. right of the press, is th< ■ 
a constitutional institution, exclusive of positive provisions, (vide Art. 1, Sue. 8) ; and tu plun- 
der or otherwise violate or restrict it, is a violation of the constitution. The same remarks ap- 
ply to ,n>sl offices and theil facilities. Nor can any rc.-ti i< turn or cheek he lawfully given, to the 
freest exercise of these right-, except in cases of their abuse ; which is legally construed to mean, 
the use <>f them for the breach of other constitutional laws and customs. If tho laws against 
treason for instance, are violated by means of the press or the mail, the violators m iv be punish- 
ed by legal means; or if possible by such means, they may be prevented beforehand from the 
violation. But none but constitutional means can be legally used, to procure such punishment 
or prevention ; and these means are, application to constitutional courts of law. and constitution- 
al process issued in due course of law. All other means use.! for that purpose, bis violations of 
the constitution of the United States, destructive to liberty and ruinous to the country. 

And the pretended abuses of constitutional liberty by the abolitionists; what are they! I 
diencu to :he commands of God. an abuse of such liberty ! Imitating the pet of our 

Saviour, an <il . ■< of u n just rights! Inveighing against Human ( Ippressinn in a just and legal 
manner, an abuse of the freedom of speech ! Proclaiming the whole gospel, by speiking, wri- 
ting and printing against slavery, an abuse of freedom of speech and the pre"«s ! 'Doing as w e 
Would bo done by," 'remembering those in bonds as bound with them.' and prat licullj 'loving 
our neighbor as ourselves,' abuses of out Divine and constitutional rightsl Attempt- in the spir- 
it of tho gospel, to reform our own country from its greatest national sin, nod thus avert from it 
the wrath of Heaven, an abuse of any description! Ac. To call if. ■ , which Grd 

Himself has commanded all men to perfni m unceasingly, is mo-t daring blasphemy, Mich U noi.o 
but the daring sin of gl ivery, could render men u ickod enough t<> utter. 

Tho abolitionists as such, have nevor violated any constitutional law of the Un led St ties, >t 
of any individual state. All slave laws are in one sense constitutional, that are not forbiddi 
the constitution ; that is, they do not expressly violate the letter of th it instrument, (tlmuj : 
all do its spirit) ; and are in this negative sens,-, a imetimi - called oot si Uitionul. But even in 
this sense, the abolitionists have violated none of them. They have in effect, simply reqa 



m 

tbe slaveholders, to 'interfere with' aad annul those law* themselves; giving their reasons for 
-he request. Besides, meie criticism and condemnation of a law or custom, is "no breach or in- 
fringement of it. It does not impair their legal effect or binding authwrity at all. Nor is it any 
violation of a person's rights, to request him lo dispense with their exercise. The right remains 
in as full force after the request, as before. If for instance, a man obtains an unjust judgment 
sgainst his neighbor, 1 do not violate or impair his legal right lo collect that judgment, by en- 
treating him to remit it. In such a case, I merely exercise a right of my own, without disturb- 
ing his rights. I may 'disturb' his conscience by my advice ; but certainly not his rights. And 
if in consequence, they are relinquished at all, the relinquishment will be his act and not mine 
Every man has a legal right to abolish his own unjust lights himself; and others have a legal 
right to advise him lo abolish them. So to advise or entreat a person, lo quit drinking ardent 
spirits, or chewing tobacco, or abandon any other bad habit, or to criticise and eondemn his hab- 
its, and reproach or ridicule him for them, does not violate his legal right, to use those articles or 
pursue thosJ habits. The exercise of the right of petition, remonstrance, entreaty, rebuke, ad- 
vice, ridicule, reproach or warning, is never an 'illegal interference' with the rights of others. 
The just and legal exercise of our own rights, can never produce such an effect. It ia not be- 
cause abolitionists violate slave rights, but because they disturb slave consciences, by the righteous 
exercise of their own rights, that their enemies are offended with them. 

And to whom are abolitionists or others justly responsible, fur real abuses of freedom of speech 
and of the press and other republican righls? To the mob? To Lynch men and Lynch law? 
To persons acting without or contrary to law? This can hardly be, even in cases of real abuse, 
for there is no warrant for such liability, either in the Law of God or in the just laws of men — 
By such laws, ex post facto liability is not tolerated ; and least of all such liability to mobs ; even 
though they form the majority. One reason is, thai it leads directly to despotism ; the bulk of 
mankind preferring the tyranny of a single despot, to that of the licentious and unprincipled mob. 
There is but a single step, from the tyranny of a mob of any description, to tlial of a tingle des- 
pot; as all authentic history shows. It is useless to pretend that mobs will not abuse power 
worse than others. No others arc half so liable to abuse it. Mobs am at least always ignorant 
and phrenzied ; and most of them reckless and unprincipled. One of their objects always being 
to violate existing laws, it would be a wonder indeed, if they ever administered real justice. — 
Acting at once as judges, juries and executioners, they seldom pay any more regard to real jus- 
tice than savages. People subjected to their outrages without other redress, will readily submit 
to despotism to be rid of them ; despotism being always preferable to anarchy ; no tyranny be- 
ing so intolerable as that of the mob. In troth, no ex post facto liabilities ought ever to be toler- 
ated for a moment; on account of their imminent danger ta public liberty and safety. Thisi.-t he 
reason why such liabilities are siiicliy forbidden by the common law. And the only human lia- 
bility for all human abuses or offences', should be to constitutional, just and impartial laws, admi- 
nistered by courts of the same description ; all existing before the offences did. Any other liabi- 
lity or administration of justice, is 9ure to prove the ceitain destruction of just liberty and 
lights. 

The avowed object of all Lhe pro-slavery mobs and other criminal proceedings, is to prohib- 
it and wholly suppress all investigation of lhe merits of slavery and its abolition — directly con- 
trary to the express precepts of Scripture, — vide Pro'v. i 2-G. ii '2-5, iv 5—7, 1st These. ? 21, 
and thousand - other similar passages. The freest examination and discussion of all subjects 
whatever, are the plain spirit of lhe whole Scriptures. They arc expressly commanded by the 
Almighty in every part of His Word- and the curiosity in man and the spirit r,{ enquiry, 
which God has framed in the Law of Nature, as well as the necessity of a correct knowledge 
of all subjects, for man's best welfare, prove that they are rules of that Law also. The moral 
as well as Itgal guilt, of anti-abolition mobs and other crimes, is therefore manifestly of the 
blackest kind — and if nut speedily repented of and reformed from in !his country, will provoke 
the Divine if not human retribution against i;. Nobody guilty of such crimes, ought to hope 
to escape Divine vengeance, '-'ven in this world. 

Another strange circumstance attending tho present anti-slavery struggle is, the support so 
many poor people in the free states give to slavery. This suicidul conduct is tho result of the 
deepest ignorance and moral corruption — such as nothing but the spirit of slavery could pro- 
duce. Nothing can exceed the contempt, which all slaveholders have for the poor, whether 
white or black, bond or free. They are the worst enemies the poor have — their chiel employ- 
ment being to 'grind their faces,' and enslave them oil so far as they can. Such is the na- 
ture of aristocracy every where — and for the poor to support it any where, is treason to their 
own rights and happiness. They impair their own liberties by such misguided conduct, ex- 
actly in proportion o» (boy sustain slavery by it. 



81 

Ursat pains have been taken to apologize for staveliolding outrages, on the eonsiitulion, »r. 
the plea of the 'inflammatory tendonoy' as it is called, of the ubuliti<>!) publications. Self pre- 
servation it is said, is the first law of nature, paramount to all constitution* ; winch said 'self 
preservation' always means with the apologists, the preaervation of slavery. The .«uine kind 
of apology is set up in Europe, for the censorship of the press and standing armies 'The sell 
preservation' of monarchy, aristo< racy, monopolies and other tyranny, is made to be para- 
mount in European countries, ns that of slavery is in this country, to the Law ol God and the 
equal rights of men ; and the same doctrine is for ihe sake of slavery and Us horrors, no* «t 
tempted to be introduced here. This must be tho meaning of this kind of 'sell preservation ,' 
for if it were not, Ihe slaveholders would not fail to put a atop to tins 'inflammatory ten 
by the sure and simple remedy, of immediate abolition. Nothing can be ea.-ier, than to pre- 
vent any pretended tendency of abolition publications, than the practice of abolition righteous- 
ness. Let slavery be abolished and just and equal laws established, and all the inflammatory 
and incendiary publications in the world, will produce no effect in community; because the 
fuel for them to burn will then be removed. They will have no more influence than Mun- 
chausen tales. This fact shows, (hat slavery is the only evilly cause, of the dangers of slave- 
ry. An institution that will not bear to have the truth told respecting it, without creating cor- 
rupt disturbance, must of course be a bad and criminal institution Good institutions always 
court examination ; for the more they are examined, the less is there likely to be disturbance a- 
bout them,— vide John iii 21. The bad ones only will not bear examination— vide John iii 
19, 20. Slavery has been considered a prohibited subject for this reason. So from the in- 
stinct, of the 'self preservation 1 of Roman Catholic superstitions, the pope and hia followers 
endeavored to prohibit the circulation of Luther's 'incendiary' books, and to destroy protcs'anl- 
ism by massacre; and n similar reason now prompts both them and the slaveholders, to | ro 
hibit the circulation of the Bible among the slaves. Tho Bible is by far the most 'incendiary' 
book in the world to tyranny ; and wherever it is fully circulated and well studied and under- 
stood, it will nut an end to human oppression. Slaveholders dread it more than all the other 
anii-siavery publications put together; and because they could not wholly prohibit its circula- 
tion, they have perverted its true meaning, for the justification of slavery. 

And supposing the 'inflammatory tendency' of abolition principles and publications, be cal- 
culated to consume slavery ; is not this tendency good ? And if so. why resist and endeaver 
to suppress it by criminal means ? for the command (1st Thess. v 21,) is otherwise. Ought 
not slavery to be consumed by good 'tendencies' or other good means? Or, supposing the 
slaveholders are compelled by this 'tendency,' to consume slavery themselves for the sake of 
their own safety ; will not this be right 1 Surely if the effect of this tendency be only to des- 
troy slavery, it must be a good agent ; and no one ought to oppose its operation. It the ef- 
fect of any 'tendency' is good and only good, it must he highly sinful to oppose it. Let those 
who oppose abolition 'tendencies,' then, take heed lest they oppose God- vide Ac's v 38, 39. 

Great numbers of persons are opposed to the abolition project, because it produces so much 
excitement ; just as if moral corruption could be attacked without producing excitement in it. 
Christ foretold this effect to his followers ; and the prediction was fully verified by tin ir sub- 
sequent experience ; as it has been by that of every moral reformation since. Rage is com- 
monly the first fruit of conviction. And however wicked such unjustifiable excitement may 
be, the guilt of il attached to the corruptioniata excited. Moral corruption ia the eaose, and 
proclamation of the truth the occasion only of its exhibition. The morr.lHij of tin: objection is, 
thai we should never attempt to expose error and crime, because the exposure will meet oppo- 
sition ! No moral and political reforms ought ever to be attempted, lest they should be atten- 
ded with disturbance ! Where would have been our liberties, had this doctrine prevailed in 
the revolutionary war ? Where would Christianity have been, had it prevailed in the apostles' 
time ? May, what would have become of liberty either spiritual or temporal, had it always 
prevailed ? ' Or if the doctrine be true, why did Christ and the prophets, apostles and martyrs 
all disregard it in practice? Nay, why has God himself issued contrary commands 7— vide 
3er i 17-19 Eze ii 3-7, iii 7-11, Matt, x 16-2S. fee. And what kind of Christians are t>'«* 

K 



who urge such objections, against the proclamation of righteousness and the exposure of sin ; 
and what kind of fate have they leaaora to fear?— vide Amos vi 1-11, Luke vi 24-26, and ma- 
ny other passages. 

For the support of slavery, the old aristocratic common law rule is brought forward, that 'the 
greater the truth the greater the libel;' as applicable to the promulgation of abolition doc- 
trines. And this doctrine so contradictory to all republican principles, is now openly advoca- 
ted by men, who formerly professed to reject it with abhorrence. That the truth is very dan- 
gerous to slavery or other aristocracy, monopoly and other tyranny, there is no doubt ; and 
we cannot therefore wonder that this anti-christian rule, (vide 1st Thess. v 21) should be in- 
vented by aristocrats and other corruptionists, and advocated by slaveholders and their tools. 
But it is to be hoped, that this tyrannical maxim, will not gain final allowance in this coun- 
try ; for if it do, in respect of the right of investigating and censuring public acts and institutions, 
the liberties of this country are gone forever. When men lose the right of complaining of bad 
conduct and institutions, they lo3s the last protection of their freedom. 

But the 'inflammatory tendency' of anti slavery publications, on slaves, is denied ; whatever 
may be their effect on slaveholders ; which is not doubted to be highly 'inflammatory.' Not- 
withstanding the uproar to the contrary, these publications are eminently peaceful -, and tend 
strongly to preserve the peace of the country among the slaves. They expressly deny all 
right of resort to physical force, for the abolition of slavery ; asserting the right of political, 
moral and religious force alone for that purpose. And if the slaves are ever informed to the 
contrary, it must be by their masters and not the abolitionists. Slaves are constantly 'excited' 
by the operation of slavery ; but never by that of abolition ; for the latter is the only sedative 
that will affect them. It is a false charge, that anti-slavery publications tend to excite slaves 
f .o rebellion • for their effect is directly the other way * on account of the peaceful doctrines 
thsy teach. That slaves have the right of rebellion by the Lavs af Nations, (vide Vattel. 40- 
47, 243, 244, 5S1, 623,) there is no doubt. They have the same right to rsbel against oppres- 
sion, that our revolutionary ancestors had; &nd that the Greeks, the Poles, the Haylians, tit* 
Irish, and all other oppressed people have, Nor can they commit treason by such rebcliivft. 
For being deprived of all rights, and receiving no protection from their country, they owe it 
no allegiance, any more than cattle and horses do ; the duty of allegiance depending wholly 
on the right and benefit of protection— vide 1st Blac. Com. 4S, 123, 366-372. But the aboli- 
tionists utterly deny all such right of rebellion, by the Law of God ; which Law they declare 
to be paramount to all other laws ; and as such, primarily obligatory upon slaves, as well us 
others. The abolitionists have attacked slavery ; not the public peace and welfare ; for these 
they have endeavored to promote, in the best possible manner, and by the use of the best 
possible means, namely, those which God himself has commanded. They have attacked sla- 
very, in the same vt ay the Bible, the common law, the declaration of independence, the wri- 
tings of Sidney, Paine, Jefferson, Henry and O'Connell, and every speech and essay against 
tyranny and in favor of liberty attack it, namely, by political, moral and religious arguments 
and denunciation, as a sin, or crime against the Law of God and all just laws of men. Nobody 
can be bettor satisfied of the sinfulness of slavery, by professed anti-slavery publications, than 
he can be by these writings. Nor is there the least danger of insurrection among the slaves, 
from any of these publications ; for none of them teach or recommend it ; but the contrary. — 
There may be some danger of rebellion and treason from the slaveholders; provided they can 
obtain sufficient northern assistance. And this is all the danger of the kind, attending the abo- 
lition controversy. 

But if this 'inflammatory' pretence be* true, what becomes of the pretence, (as remarked in 
t'.ie First Lecture,) of the alleged happiness and contentment of the slaves ; those joyous crea- 
tures who it is asserted, are 'the happiest peasantry in the world,' and 'who would not take 
their freedom as a gift, if it were offered to them ?' Is this effect credible on such beings? And if 
the slaves really are 'better off' than the northern laborers, why do not such publications have 
this 'tendency' on those laborers ? And if 'the laboring classes of the north are as much oppres- 
Bed as the eoulhem slaves,' why do not the slaveholder* in retaliation, scatter 'inflammatory cir- 



S3 

euiars' amoug them ? Do not similar causes alwayi produce timilai i-fl eta J Will auoh c.r- 
culars produce less effect on oppressed whites, than on oppressed blacks ? Why di not thn 
slaveholders then, fi^ht the abolitionists with their own weapon.", and revenge themsall 
this effectual way ? Have ihey not yet received sufficient provocation for it ? Or are they 
too virtuous to meditato or practice revenge? These are serious enquiries, to those who 
make the foregoing pretences; and it behooves thorn si long as they persist in the pre 
to render satisfactory answers to these questions. 

The cry of the slaveholders is, 'let us ulone ;' u j thai of the devil was to our Saviour— vido 
Mark i 21, Luke iv 34. 'Hands off' from slavery ia ii:eir demand ; as if such was their right 
and the duly of others ; notwithstanding God has commanded otherwise. It always was the 
desiro of tyrants and other criminals, to be 'let alonu' in their Crimea — and they dread and 
hate all 'interference' with them. The Pope, the Russian, Turkish and other arbitrary govern- 
ments, and all other oppressors, have demanded silence and non-interference, with their 'pe- 
culiar' institutions, policy and measures. Their principle ie, that none but themtefoes have a 
tight to 'intermeddle,' either with their own institutions or those of other?, however much oth- 
ers may be interested in or affected by them. So easy and natural is it, when we have ob- 
tained nno degree of unjust power, to arrogate still more ; hnd so necessarily docs the prac- 
tice of one crime, lead to that of others. The right of 'interfering' with other mens' rightf, 
conduct, or pretensions, depends wholly on t'ueir justice or injustice. If any right or assump- 
tion be unjust, it is our Divine right and duty both, to 'interfere' with it to its destruction. — 
And when the outcry against 'interference' is : i >uld remember, that none arc so 

apt to raise it, as those whose conduct will not bear investigation— this being the only reason 
why it is raised. For if investigation could be endured, it would be invited instead of avoided 
—and the policy is to raise the outcry, in order to prevent investigation. 

The monarchists and aristocrats of Europ9, have the same reason to complain, of republi- 
can books and circulars, that tho slavoholders havo of anti-slavery publications — for the effect 
of both is to abolish tyranny. Lot the slaveholders and their friends act consistently then, 
first 'castins the beam out of their own eyes'— and not arrogate "to themselves privilege.-, they 
deny to their European brethren. Let them before they complain of abolitionists, first endea- 
vor to suppress all republican institutions ami publications, and abolish republican prii 
entirely; on account of their 'inflammatory tendency,' to disturb the peace of tyranny in the 
old countries ! Let them as consistent moralists and politicians, carry out their principles in 
practice, to thoir full extent. A partial application of those principles, will be apt to leave 
their 'chivalrous honor,' obnoxious to the charge of insincerity. In such case, a great many 
consequential people, and especially their European friends and sympalhysers. will be upt to 
suspect them of unworthy selfishness ! 

The propriety, good policy and expediency of anli slavery efforte, depend, as already remar- 
ked, entirely on the justice or injustice of slavery. But this injustice having been clearly dem- 
onstrated, it as clearly follows from the premises, that it is not more a legal light than it is the 
imperative moral and religious duty, of abolitionists and other persons, to repeat and increase 
their righteous attacks on the abomination, and persevere in them, so long as a vestige of it 
remains— vide Ps. xevi 10, Amos v 15. Rom. xii 9, 2d Tun. li 19, and a multitude of similar 
passages. The spirit of the whole Bible is imperative on alt mankind, to rise up ogainst the 
abomination ; and the neglect to do so ia a very great sin of omission, It is a wiljul, presump- 
tioue sin • because every person with the Bible in his hands, must or might know that such 
was his duty. The spirit of the common law too, commands all persons within it.* jurisdic- 
tion, to attack slavery. For it is a rule of that law, (vide 1st Chit. C. L. 3. 1.) that every 
person knowing of the commission of a crime, is bound to prosecute it to punishment. There 
is not a just codo of laws ou earth, but whose spirit calls for resistance to slavery • became 
justice demands such resistance. No point of moral, religious or just duty can be plain.: 
this is. 

It is sometimes said, that tho slaveholders an fi fees of slavery and ve proa >std a- 

bolition , and that both subjects oi j ln ,h » 



64 

eenee that criminals know the most about their own crimes, it la admitted, that the slavehold- 
ers know the most about slavery ; but that either have the best moral sense, of the criminality 
and evil tendency of their sins, is denied. It is their superior knowledge, that renders them 
the more criminal and deserving of punishment. Yet according to the spirit of the pretence, 
this very knowledge is the reason why, all criminals ought to have the ?ole cognizance and 
disposition of their own crimes ! But the pretence is false. The sick are'noi the 'best, judges' 
of diseases and their remedies. The corrupt are not the 'best judges' of moral and political 
corruption, its effects, consequences and remedies. For if they were, drtinkurds would be the 
best preachers against intemperance, whoremongers against lewdness, and heathens against 
idol worship and other heathen abominations. There would be the same propriety, in leav- 
ing the sick to heal themselves, as to leave slaveholders to abolish slavery alone. The slave- 
holders themselves know better, when they always send christian missionaries, tQ convert 
heathen nations ; vide Rom. x 14, J 5, Tit. i 3. Moral like physical diseases left to their own 
cure, will seldom be cured ; but almost always destroy their victims. It is the express ordin- 
ance of God, that the righteous should always be sent, to 'call sinners to repentance'; vide 
Matt, xxviii 19, 20, Luke xxiv 47, and many other passages. The prophets and apostles wej-e 
sent and the christian ministry ordained, to fulfil this ordinance; and every Divine mission 
recorded in the Scriptures, was of such men for such purposes ; and this is the only object 
of the present christian ministry. This ordinance thus corresponds with the providence of 
God, as exhibited in the nature of sin and its remedies ; or in other words, with the Law of 
Nature. This is so plain, that in all other cases, nobody expects a general reformation from 
great and customary sins, without preaching from those, who are not infected with such sins. 
Nor have we any more reason to suppose, that the slaveholders will repent of the sin of slave- 
ry, without such preaching, than that the heathen will without it. They have been 'let alone' 
long enough already, to convince every honest person of this fact at least. 

A great outcry has been raised about foreign 'interference' with American slavery; just as 
if the commands of God were not binding on foreigners, when out of their native countries ; 
and as if they had no right to 'interfere' with American slavery in any way. But this is nol 
true. It is the Divine right and duty both, of every person in the world, to 'interfere with' 
slavery, any where and every ivhere ; and assist to abolish it, by legal and christian means. — 
This is the spirit of the whole Scriptures. The apostles were all 'foreigners' out of Judea. — • 
But the command to them was, to 'teach all nations'; vide Matt, xxviii 19 ; and of course, to 
•interfere with' their corrupt institutions, customs and religions, to their entire abolition and 
destruction, by all just, legal aid christian means. 'Foreign interference' with sin is thus a 
Divine ordinance; and to oppose it is of course blasphemous. And the Law of Nature so 
plainly teaches the same rule, that in other cases, the slaveholders as readily practice on it as 
others ; as for instance, in sending 'foreign 1 missionaries to the heathen. They also employ 
'foreign interference' to support slavery, by sending out 'foreigners' to kidnap innocent people, 
for that purpose. No persons in fact exercise more 'foreign interference,' than slaveholders 
themselves ; and it is only when it disturbs them, that they discover its impropriety ! So the 
American slaveholders and others, are in the habit of procuring 'foreign interference,' in all 
their affairs both public and private. They have employed foreigners as officers and soldiers, 
as diplomatists and legislators, and in every other capacity and business. It seems to be the 
'foreign interference' with slavery only, that is illegal or improper in this country ; except when 
used for its support. Every other kind of such 'interference,' with American institutions and 
affairs, is perfectly right and proper ! 

And how do these uproarous complaints, of the slaveholders and their allies, correspond 
with the oft repeated taunt, that the efforts of the abolitionists, produce 'no effect* at the south? 
They first complain bitterly of the 'effect;' and then declare that no effect at all is or can be 
produced ! But if this be true, why all this uproar ? Why all the mobs, Lynch law, vigil- 
ance committees, breaches of the constitution, and other crimes ? It would seem as if no 
pretences could be used, to support slavery or oppose its abolition, but what contradicted each 
other. The truth is, the pretence of 'no effect' is a simple falsehood. Every day's news de- 



M 

dares ibat a most powerful anti-slavery effect, U produced all oxer tb< loulh, by the vigorous 
and untiring anti-slavery efforts, daily made and oons.anily inoreasing. 1 be g< 
•sharper than a two edged sword,' .. carrying oil before it. May its use prosper, to tne spee- 
dy overthrow of American slavery. 

I ought to observe in conclusion, that the ohject.on of 'interference' is constanllj and only 
made °so Cures my observation extends, by person, who never manifest any alarm or indigna- 
tion, a. the reckless violations by the slaveholders and their supporters, the Law gfQM, 
the constitution of the United Slates, and thejost laws of the land. Vo tkU hind o mt«fc- 
rcnce' they raise noobj clions. Nay, great numbers of them secretly approbate lh, horrors o| 
I inch law and other violations of the consfitu^on, and peruse with satisfaction and Might, 
the accounts of the barbarous outrages on the pe.sons, the property and th. right, of the .bo- 
litionjtts ; and of the pretended success or the spread of slavery and slavish doctr.nes. And 
theSTsenVments they denominate republicanism ! 

9t h Qhj. Constitutional Compromises and Guarantees. 



Thero is no str 



Uron-er sign of national degeneracy, than a general disposition, to respect wicked 
S ms.ituf.ons, vide ProvTY*™. 4, Matt xv 1-9, M ark n. 7, 8, and other p« ; 



S "STl'S is n U idT espeT, . u U t indeed Iho A.migh.y, 'to destroy so many sneien, on 
S' by H L V. gmenis. A general disposition to support legalittd crin,.., or sin. ™* "« d 
» ,*J 7 r custom h one of the surest signs of approaching national ruin Bnch a state of nob- 
by law or custou , a o » = u ^ re( . )rmj) . (iml , , 

ttel? reSmed E« al destruction of eivil liberty, is su/a finally to follow A * icked law o, 
itbell relurraa ■ e ,. ; aA anil nnnnBed ns a wicked act, sentiment or principle. And 

Custom IS as 

those 

and 

tism. 

Hires, 

such 




' i ftSKpriSm»ni»g...'..cred .a<l'itir».™fcr.hi g hl, improper, ..d...,.™.™ 




mon law, is transformed by the constitution, in 
two parties make an ugrei ment with eac' 



I HUM, IIJiw n iw «■«- -^ ~0 . i ■ J _ r|v 

h other to rob, plunder, enslave or murder a third pari), 
Mm, this agreamoni as between the parties toil, and its 
, R ht hv no means to be infringed eitbai directly Of ind - 



and without the least provocation from 

victims also, is saered and holy; and ought by no means to be in.rmgea e»u.. J'&J^ "„. 

rectly I And such morality too ! One of the greatest of sins sgainst the 



86 

isiiable by that holy Law wiili ture death ; a crime now declared by the general consent of cinli- 
zed nations, to be piracy when committed on the high seas, guaranteed by the constitution ofthe 
United States ! 1 A sacred constitutional compact, to violate the Law of God and trample it un- 
der foot ! The free states confederate with the slave states, in a solemn national compact, to sup- 
port this violation 1 And yet we are constantly told, that the northern states do not support 
slavery; and have nothing to do with it or with its support; and ought not therefore to meddle 
with it! The objection goes the length of declaring in effect, that human constitutions and 
laws made in violation of the Law of God, are sacred! The consequence is, that the laws es- 
tablishing the Inquisition, and forbidding people to 'search the Scriptures' ; and in tact, all fun- 
damental tyrannical laws, are sacred and just laws! And thus, if murder, theft, arson, perjury, 
counterfeiting, or any other crimes against God and His religion, can only be guaranteed by hu- 
man constitutions, (as many of them have been), they instantly become just and sacred rightsl I 
The pretence does in effect, declare the constitulion directly to support piracy ; and indirectly to 
support its necessary appendages, murder, mayhem and every other crime! No American who 
regards the reputation of his country, will ever contend, for the constitutionality of its slavery. 
The country is sufficiently degraded, without the aid of this falsehood. The truth is, slavery is 
not a constitutional, but a customary right, in the United States. Like other wicked customs, it 
grew up by the force of corrupt circumstances, in defiance ©f the common law, on the credit of 
Scripture perversions; and is entitled to no more respect, than other customary sins. This ob- 
jection and other* that have been used to vindicate the practice of American slavery, have 
done more to degrade this nation, and to bring its boasted free institutions into contempt, than 
all other means put together. Meaner pretences cannot be set up, to support the institutions of 
Algiers. One of the American institutions is called 'peculiar'; and its morality would seem to 
be 'peculiar' also. And unless it is abandoned, 'American morality' will become as celebrated^ 
as 'Carthagenian faith.' 

And this is the 'morality,' inculcated in free and republican America, as she is proudly called ; 
a country in which there has been more boasting and swaggering and contending, about liberty 
and virtue and equal rights and democracy and republicanism, than perhaps in all the world be- 
sides! This is the morality, to be taught the American children and youth, and render them all 
good, virtuous, patriotic republicans! A morality, which teaches that one part of the human 
race have a right to confederate, to deprive the rest of all rights, without crime in them to deserve 
it 1 And that this 'right' is just and sacred 1 A morality which teaches in effect, that piracy is 
Bacred, if constitutionally adopted, by a Givilizsd, enlighten 'd, christian nation ! A morality that 
will justify, every tyrant and tyrannical government and laws that ever existed. A morality that 
will justify Robespierre and Danton. Why not ; they being in possession of the supreme pow- 
er of the state, their agreement to massacre must be sarrcd, on the principle of this kind of mor- 
ality. It will justify Nicholas, Mahmoud, Louis Phillippe and all other tyrants ; for all their 
oppressions are 'constitutional'; and of course 'sacred' 1 Beautiful morality this for republicans 
to inculcate! 

But as we have already seen, the rule of the Law of God is, that Human Oppression is none 
the less wicked, because it is constitutional and legal. It is even more wicked ; for community 
in crime only increases its guilt and enormity. It only increases the extent of the crime, and of 
course the extent of the guilt. Nothing can bu more immoral, anti-republican and anti-christian, 
than this most blasphemous objection is. 

Let us give a passing notice, to the morality of the pretenco, that the people of the free states 
have no right, to discuss, criticise aud denounce the practice of slavery ; because as is pretended, 
the constitution gives to the slave states, the exclusive control of it. Strange pretence this ; that 
in a country boasting of freedom of speech, as expressly guaranteed by the same instrument, the 
only matier respecting which the right of speech does not exist, is the right and practice of sla- 
very 1 There are a thousand reserved rights besides slavery ; and all are considered proper sub- 
jects of criticism, debate &c, except this one ! Sacred right indeed ! : But for the morality of 
the exception; which is, that if a crime equal to murder in enormity, is only protected by a con- 
stitution, it thenceforth becomes so sacred a right, that those who are not engaged in committing 
it, though ever so much interested in its operation, have no right even to discuss its merits! — 
And none but the criminals themselves, have a right to meddle with it ; except to support it 
when necessary ! And so if murder, piracy, forgery, counteifeiting &c. can only be shielded 
by a constitution, all examination of their nature, effects and tendency must be silenced 1 Hence 
no missionaries can lawfully declaim against heathen abominations, such as idol worship, parri- 
cide, infanticide &c., nor republicans against legalized despotism; for all such practises and ty- 
ranny aie 'constitutional' where they prevail. Fine morality this for republicans! 

The slaveholders demand the exclusive control, of the whole subjects of slavery and its aboli- 
tion ; not excepting even their morality; thus attempting as Mr. Ulanchard truly observes, to 
make that a local question, which God has made universal; for God has commanded all men 
without distinction, to discuss, control and abolish it. The demand is therefore blasphemous. 
It arrogates a different disposition, of a great moral subject of the highest importance, from that 
which God has commanded to be m?.de cf it- Tlir spirit of 'lis demand i:'; that nobi 



93 

have the control of crime.-;, except ihoae who commit ihi ui ! Nobod) for instance but i 

ers, ought to havo the control of murder, or tinevoa of theft I This is a fair specimen of *la\o- 

holding morality. 

Having thus disposed of iho morality of tlie objection, let ub next examine its truth. I have 
already .slated, that the constitution of ibe United States, does not guat 

verv. It is entirely silent on thajt BUBJaQt, It has however, soveiul constructive provisions, 
which affect tlie operation and even the existence of sinv. ry ; though Bone of them guarantee 
either. It contains for instance a constructive guaiantee, (Art. 4, Sec. 2), tbataoloi 
does exist, runaway slaves escaping into the free status, shall not become free bj the la 
those states; but tho master may take und carry them buck to slavery again, liut this cl 
docs not apply to the case of a slave, voluntarily taken by his master into a free state; as has ro- 
contly been decided, in Massachu Its and Connecticut. Nor dues this gun her to 

Congress, or to the Legislatures i I tha free states, any right to make lawa to arrest fugitive slaves, 
and thus aid masters in their recovery. Tho plaid meaning of the guarantee, almost in words 
is, that those legislatures shall not make any lawn, to pier cut masters, from apprehending such 
runaways themselves; (a provision directly contrary to tlie spirit of the Law of God ; vide. 
Deut. isiii 15, 16, Oba. 10-15 ; and a meat heinous sin of oajweioo). It gives them no authori- 
ty to enact laws, to assist slaveholders or their agents, in tbts barbarous, piratical, aati-chrisliac 
business. Nor dues the guarantee give any authority to congress, to enact laws directing state 
officers in the \'ri;e states, Mich as sheriffs, constables, justices of the p tin ap- 

prehending or confining fugitive slaves, The guarantee plainly leaves the whole businei 
the master alone ; simply providing, that the stale laws shall nut hinder him, from appreh< 
and securing them. There is no room for any other just construction in the case, tho words of 
the guara-. tee are so very plain ; and if there wore, it is a Buffi lent answer, that tho construc- 
tion of laws made against public liberty and general right, should always ba Mtrict ; and in doubt 
ful cases, the leaning should always bo in favor of liberty. Either with or without jest con- 
struction, all the laws enacted by congress and the free states, foi the apprehension and delivery 
of fugitive slaves, are without Sny constitutional authority; and are therefore null and void. N >l 
lias any body any constitutional right and authority, to act under or by virtue of them. All such. 
acts are void and the actois trespassers. Nor does the length of time that these laws have ex- 
isted, ratify them; any more than it did the laws establishing a bank of the United Slates ; it 
having been decided, that all constructions of the constitution are to be strict also. Nor ha? tin 3 
guarantee any thing to do, with tho legal existence of slavery itself; but only to regulate it in one 
case while it does exist. It was intended to regulate the operation or effect; not the existence 
of slavery. 

The constitution also contains a constructive guarantee, (Art. 1, Sec. 8, — Art. 4, Sec. A 
so long as slavery docs exist, slave insurrections, in common with all other insurrections 
be suppressed by force; hut this is no guarantee to support slavery itself by force, or that it shall 
exist or never be abolished ; any more than that free-masonry or any other reserved right shall 
never be abolished ; though insurrections to abolish them are to be suppressed. The constitution 
also contains a constructive provision, (Art. 1, Sec. 2,) that so long as slavery continues to exist, 
three fifths of the slaves shall be nominally represented in congress, by their masters; a most 
aristocratical privilege, and equal hardship on northern freemen ; for as the slaves have no rights 
to be represented and protected, and are not permitted to exercise the right of petition, there is no 
more republican justice, reason or propriety, in such repiesentation, than there would be in that 
of cattle or horses. But this provision is no guarantee of slavery itself; it being intended to 
operate only during its continuance. And tho sooner slavery is abolished, the better will it be 
for the political power of the slave states; for their representation in congress will then bo in 
creased, by the additional two fifths of their population now unrepresented, There is n 
graph, clause or even constructive provision, in the constitution of tho United States, that si 
shall continue or not be abolished. On that subject the constitution is wholly silent. 

And were it not for long established construction and practice under tha constitution, and e\-f u 
perhaps with them, there is the strongest internal proof in the constitution itself, that slavery is 
unconstitutional ; and of course void undor that instrument ; for it violates the whole spy 
often the letter, of the instrument. Slavery is a direct violation, of all the republican objects and 
principles, and sonic of the express guarantees of the constitution. No honest person will dispute 
their utter repugnance to each other; and that in order to give full effect to tho constitution in 
practice, slavery must cease to exist. A tot il stranger to our institutions and customs, wi 
amazed 'to be told, that the constitution of the United States protected slavery ! He wool 
the strongest evidence out of the constitution, (for he would find none in it,) to convince him of 
a fact so curious and astonishing. If left with no other light than what ihe instrnmenl itself af 
forded, he would a; one', decidi thai it eondemned slavery; and though it did not abolish tho 
curso in words, il di nation. Let as briefly examine, both the spiril end let- 

ter of those parts of i! ic n iff."' the existence of Human Oppress! i 

thru support ' •■ thcrlf'tAsy do not wholly condemn it. 



BS 

First then ; the preumble to the constitution declares, that 'the peopW fare not slaves 'people'}) 
"in order to form a mora perfect union,' (slavery produces nothing but disunion and discord,) 'es- 
tablishjusricc,,' (what is more unjust than slavery 7,) 'insure domestic tranquillity,' (slavery con- 
stantly disturbs it,) 'provide for the common defence,' (slavery most of all tilings weakens and 
destroys such defence,) 'promote the general welfare,' (slavery above all things impairs it,) and 
'secure the blessings of (what, staverifl No but) liberty &c'; (what 'blessings' ami 'liberty' are 
there in slavery?) 'do ordain and esiablish «fcc.' Slavery directly and pointedly violates tha 
whole spirit, and almost every letter of this preamble. 

Again; congress has power, (Art. 1, Sec. 8,) to lay and collect taxes &.c. to provide for the 
common defence and general welfare <fcc.' Who could imagine from these words, that the 'wel- 
fare' of the coloured people in 'common' with others, was not intended? And what 'welfare' 
is there in slavery T Here is another plain violation of the letter and spirit both. So long as 
slavery exists in this country, it will be impossible wholly to fulfil the expressed intent of this 
article The 'common defence' and 'general welfare' cannot be fully provided for. It is non- 
sense to talk of congressional legislation, for the 'defence and welfare' of slaves. 

Again; congress has power, 'to regulate commerce among the several states.' 

Here is authority to prohibit the horrid traffic in slaves, between the several states ; it having 
been decided by congressional construction, that this clanso warrants a loial piolnbition of com- 
merce with foreign countries ; and the words being the same for 'the several states,' as for those 
countries, congress must have the same power over their commerce. Could any mortal imagine, 
without evidence out of the constitution, that containing this provision without any lestriction or 
exception, it was intended to support slavery? Slaves being 'goods and chattels,' the trade in 
them must be subject to the same constitutional authority, that the trade in other goods and chat- 
tels is. 

Again ; 'the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities, of citi- 
zens in the several states.' V. ould any body imagine from than words, that it was intended citi- 
zenship should depend on colour I Or that free coloured people were not intended to be as free, 
(that is, to have as many 'privileges and immunities,') as other 'citizens'? Or that if coloured 
men are citizens, by the laws of one state, (as some are,) they are not to be 'citizens,' and have 
all the 'privileges and immunities' of citizens, in each of the other states? The spirit of slave- 
ry leads to direct violations of this provision, in most of the states; and the practice itself will 
prevent its full operation, until it is abolished. 

Again; 'the United States (Art. 4, Sec. 4,) shall guarantee a republican form of government 
&c.' to every state. Now every intelligent reader, would naturally infer from these words, that 
this 'guarantee' was to be, of 'forms' exclusively 'republican.' But the 'form' as well as sub- 
stance of the 'government,' of every slave state, is partly 'republican' and partly despotic. — 
These governments in substance and effect, are no more 'republican,' than the government of Al- 
giers. Slavery is a violation both direct and indirect, of this provision. 

Again ; all the amendments to the constitution, are wholly incompatible with the existence of 
slavery, by them, the rights of conscience, speech, the press, trial by jury &.c. &c., are guar- 
anted in words, in the most solemn and ample manner, to the 'people' generally, without any 
proviso, restriction, exceptiou or qualification whatever. In wwds, substance and effect, the 
right of 'trial by jury" is fully guaranteed to fugitive slaves; and were consttuction necessary, 
were the question of such right at all doubtful from the words, the rule just mentioned of con 
Ftruction in favor ofliberty,' would in any just, impartial court, and especially in ours which re- 
cognize and enforce the common law, and profess to be guided by its rules of construction, in- 
stantlv award such slaves the right. And although they have been deprived of it by uneonstitu- 
tionai laws, it is a plain case that they have it by the constitution. Slavery is a direct violation, 
of the express words of several of these Amendments. All slaves ( who are all 'people ixUo) 
are totally depiived of every one of the rights, guaranteed by the express words of those A* 
mendments. 

It is unnecessary to quote any further specifications, to prove that the practice of slavery is 
utterly hostile, to the letter and spirit of the constitution of the United States, but here the 
blasphemous maxim that 'slaves hare no righis,' even though secured to them \by the words of 
constitutions, interferes, and is allowed to control the constitution, and prohibit its beneficial 
operation, in favor of one sixth part of the whole population ! And instead of pist and legal 
construction being applied to this instrument, in favor of the just rights of this unfortunate and 
insulted class of people, and as they are uniformly applied in other cases, nil the just rnjiw <>f 
construction are generally perverted and violated, to make the constitution an imttiuim nl ■ •! their 
oppression and degradation ! No stronger proof of the moral corruption. <>! the beiu'hj lhe bar 
and the legislative assemblies of the nation, could be exhibited, than what they have them.. 
selves thus furnished. 

Yet the slaveholders and their apologist ore engaged, in making the country ring wttji 'heir 
appeals to the constitution, in behulf of slavery and against the abolitionist- 1 fhis is their con- 
stant theme of declamation, enlreatv and lemonstrance. No matter how much the just laws of 
God and man are outraged by it ; the abomination as they pretend, being fully guaranteed and 



.. , thej insist, thai slavei 
are 'traitors,' 'disorganize^,' 'fanatics' and every thing ricked and » • 

to deny the con titutiooality, justice 01 policj of slavery. I do not bi 
morality, com re ever before in at 

contempt, as they are now treated in the United States, for the i 

'the constitution neither expressly permits nor forbids the practice of sla 
other crimes punishable by state laws. Nor does it impliedly forbid many other 
than it doe- slavery, it is entirely silent respecting them. It' therefore slavery is constitutional, 
in the usual sense of thai term, then are most «ases of murder, ars- | other 

crimes constitutional ! Certainly, if these crimes were as custom &rj 

all be as constitutional, as that is pretended to be. The United States has no jurisdiction, over 
crimes not mentioned in the constitution; and which are then : 
lion of the several states. The cognizance of such crimes is a reserved stat* light, But deed 

•i-rvation render those criim [ONAL I Have we a 'constitutional' right : 

i vi-h and murder each other, for this reason I ! To ptetend therefi I every 

thing is constitutional, which is not forbidden by the constitution of the United States, in absurd. 
The truth is, that under that constitution, slavery is neither constitutional nor unconstitutional; 
for that constitution says nothing about it in u vrtls ; though wholly opposed to it in spirit, n* al- 
ready stated. .Slavery is constitutional and legal only, by viitue of state constitutions, lawi 
customs; and none of these can constitutionally prohibit, the i I sh it ; 

and the only reason why other crimes are not constitutional, in the sense that s b eauso 

they oro not customary ; as slavery is. The direct legal cogniz ilition, 

out of the District of Columbia and tho Territories, is left entirely to the state jurisdictions ; con 
titutional authoi re with them. So la :ves consent' 

i, the constitution of the Unitei lavery, and all other crimes against 

•■■(•ito constitutions, laws and custom.-. Uut that it and other crimes are constitutional 
sense, by virtue of that constitution, is untrue. 
Let us next examine the celebrated Compromise, about which so much if said ; and ti. 
ality of which wo have just inspected ; a 'compromise' to which if ;t werelrue, the slaves were 
no party; ana by which of course, they were not bound. This is said to 
ites, at the time of the adoption of the constituli 
ibrii ation of that instrument were secret; and but scanty accounts of them I i ocen 

1 ed. President Madison's manuscripts it is supposed, would reveal thorn very fully 
their publication is yet delayed. Bui from Luther Martin's report ancTolher sources, 1 have ham 
ed and believe, that the correct history of this 'Compromise' is as follows. During the [ . 

' tiie constitution, many important state claims were CO! *fore » la 

id. Among other interesting subjects debated, was that of slavery ; L)r. Franklin 
and other abolition members, wishing to abolish American sla .cry, by means of the constitution, 
proposal, the whole southern delegation revolted; and utterly refused to ratify the ii 
if it 'interfered' at all with slavery. They claimed and demanded, the sole legal jui 
if it, to the states in which it prevailed by custom ; and in which it had not bi 
holly r< fused to grant any power over it in those states, to the United States. An 
demanded, that thiee-Gfths of their slaves, should be represented in congress, in the man 
did however, from selfish motives finally agree, that tho/ 
trade should ba abolished in 1808; it being supposed that by that time, the domestic supj 

., would he equal to the wants of the home market, and that the foreign trade would then 
to the domestic trade. Excepting this and the other constructive provisions alrea- 
i iced, they insisted, that the constitution should leave slavery untouched, to the sol 
: , of the slates in which the practice prevailed. Their unprini iple I 
the sake of union acceded to. The real compromise was, that, with I 
before mentioned, the constitution should let the subject of slavery entirely alone; that tn 

on shoulp not, not that it should, at all meddle with slavery. To obtain any 
tarsia' nstitution, was probabl - ithave 

|y speaking, still hoarse with the praises of the far famed I 

' m.i 'men are by nature equal &c.' And they i ashamed of the indirect support, 

they gave to the abomination in the constitution, lhatthi port wholly to eonstructum 

not daring to pollute the 'sacred' instrument, with the word 'slavery.' And this is the famous 
'Compromise' the spirit of which it is contended the abolil 
There was no 'compromise,' that abolitionists or others, should let bI i 
should; that it should be neutral, and neither supp< 
numorous institutions, practises and customs untouched by the constitution, was lelt t 
the Loral control, of the stales niul people among whom it prevailed ; and to the moral i 
of the whole world. It was loft as constitutional a subject for examination, discussion, cnti 

denunciation, moral attack cud legal abolition, as Christianity, infidelity, I 
and all other reserved rights -/ere and yet are. It is constitutional only in tl 

stated, silently 'permitted,' (not guaranteed, > ' ■ 



lion of the United States. The objection is therefore as false, as it is scandalously ii.. 

It has been Frequently said, that thy constitution was the result of 'mutual concessions.' 
in regard to slavery, is not^uo. All the 'concessions' made respecting slavery, for the sake of 
the 'union,' have been v/i. one side only; that is, from liberty to slavery. A representation by 
the masters of three fifths of the slaves, was 'conceded.' The right of' retaking fugitive slaves 
ih the free states was 'conceded.' The erection of several new slaveholdmg states has been 
'conceded,' &c. A great many such 'concessions' have been made to slavery; and all for the 
sake of 'union.' But not one has ever been made to liberty for that object. The free statea 
have never had a single exclusive privilege 'conceded' to them. The slave stales enjoy all the 
other constitutional rights, privileges and guarantees, in common with the free states. All the 
'concessions' have been for their exclusive benefit. And now a final 'concession' is demanded by 
them, of the suppression of constitutional freedom of speech and the press, still for the sake it is 
said of union ; but in reality of slavery ! And a multitude of patriotic 'unionists' in the (Veo 
states, are for 'conceding' those rights also! What is any 'union' worth without thoso rights ! 
And what kind of 'patriotism' is that, which prefers such 'union' lo liberty ? 

Much noise has been made about the 'interference' of the abolitionists, with the legal rights 
of the slaveholders; the insinuation being always as before remarked, an illegal 'interference 
The abolitionists in the free states have not a legal right, to pass laics to abolish slavery in the 
slave states; nor have they ever claimed or sought or proposed to exercise any such right. 13ut 
they have a constitutional and legal right, to make abolitionists of the slaveholders ; which will 
produce tho same effect; and they have tiie legal right, to use all the just and legal moral means 
before enumerated, for that purpose. And these are all the legal rights they claim or have sought 
to exercise, in relation to slavery or its abolition. They freely admit, that according to the cor- 
rupt and wicked customs of the slave states, slavery is a legal right, or rather wrong; but they 
eay it is not a just or Divine right, like the rights which God has given to all men ; that it is a 
right established by wicked custom only, in plain violation of Divine rights; or in other words, 
that it is a legalized wren™ or sin ; and as such they havo not only a legal right, but are under 
the highest moral or Divine obligations, to attack and destroy it, in a legal manner and by legal 
means. They seek to abolish, not any rights that are guaranteed by the constitution ; but wrongs 
that are not guaranteed by it. They say thai God never gave the right of slavery, but forbado it 
under the penally of death; and man therefore ought to abolish it instantly. The means the ab- 
olitionists use for that purpose, are not only strictly moral but strictly legal; and they will use 
no other; bocause there is no necessity they should. They will neither break tfao constitution 
nor constitutional laws fur that purpose. There is no necessity they should. Tho constitution 
(Amendments, Art. 1, &c.) guarantees to them, ample privileges and means to destroy slavery, 
and provided they can have the. free use of these, they desire no other. These privileges and 
means they derive from God, as was shown in the First Lecture. But they are still further pro- 
tected, because 'guaranteed' by the constitution. Under the protection of this instrument, they 
have a constitutional right to pass resolutions (net law?,) against slavery in the slave states: and 
to talk, write, print, distribute, preach, pray, harangue, lecture and inveigh against the abomina- 
tion, as much as they please in any pari of the union ; all which means will finally destroy sla- 
very, as effectually as express laws will ; because like other crimes, slavery cannol hear their ap- 
plication. So one state has no legal right, to 'interfere' with slavery in another stale, by passing 
laics to abolisii it there. But they all have a constitutional right, to pass resolutions against it; let 
it exist when and where it will. And each state legislature has a constitutional right, to pass 
resolutions, relative to the conduct of any other state legislature, or the laws and customs and 
public acts of any other state. So they all have the same right, to 'interfere' with the proceed- 
ings of congress, in the same way ; and congress with them. States speak by legislative and 
conventional resolutions, on all subjects whatever. This is the only way they can speak ; a fact 
that shows the practice must be constitutional. All other bodies or assemblies of men, every- 
where in the United States, except slaves, (and this exception is made by slave custom only; not 
by the constitution.) have the same Constitutional right, for the same reason. And whatever i-j 
not prohibited by the constitution of the United States, is considered as legal, if the state consti- 
tutions, laws and customs permit it; and none of these constitutionally, do or can, prohibit the 
freest uso of moral means to abolish slavery. Public bodies or assemblies of men, have the same 
right to express their sentiments, that private individuals have. And all men, even slaves, have 
a Divine right, to express their opinions on all subjects whatever. And all constitutions, laws 
or customs, that prohibit the free exercise of this jjreat fundamental right, are eternal icroni/s or 
orimes. obnoxious to the Divine displeasure. The pretence therefore so common, that slave- 
holders only, have the exclusive constitutional and legal right, to examine, discuss and decide, 
upon the merits of slavery, is as false as it is dangerous to tho rights of others. 

Like the constitution of the United States, the Law of Nations permits slavery ; simply by no; 
'interfering' with, preventing or hindering it. It does not interfere with slavery in any way. It 
also allows the right of slave rebellions; tire same that our forefathers exercised, when they re- 
volted against British tyranny ; a right that has been frequently exercised by oppressed people. 
Liko the Common Law, the Law of Nations is derived chiefly from the Law of Nature ; and must 



91 

f aristocracy on human rights. sw-i/mMii of slavery; 

r wi || here n ,tice the blasphemous pretence ofjhy B*ri 

reat wrong t 1 1« l-eqiw 






the 



.amineits morality, fori, 
-which we saw in the First Leeture, only, 
publican citizens who can clearly discern th nberJhaU 



rxiencan 



' N k p7c " ;' the se oVo r ne gl.bora or cotemporaries. Sin ■ 
either here or hereafter. Nay, nobody would •""•« J™ 1 '™™^^ the abolit.onista 

T' a8 «~? nBB deadend Ze "jadgment ; «od We haw 
are, together wjth I 

not hin| to do with them but to shun herr « .id ed I e«mp e 
charge e d the present .laveh elders .^' a ^^^L tie? yet are V r 

fortho, T B nnI 5-tne 

Ihing i« the pwtenee, efthe inefaftj 

slaves ; except that of their own «»^»f- oi r own makinjE They firs! n 

bound, and, ^^TytgTthattheJ caneot Zc^%.m8n ; 

gainst emancipation, ami her i excuse , tn . ■ couU e JU8llf 

-that is, they 'takeadv a? - could justly noil 

tinu»nce in sin; or aejf wicked ™ and 

Nothing can be wickeder than such lavv .lavenolders cewtet emanoi- 

^^TGV-^^t-^ JS5T5 

it ,sa,»ffe .,..<! easy to qo.t I .opocti™ >■! "„" ry ' c „ ,„„ art <■„,! 10 .l.m: !■!'"» 

STu.'SSSI „„■£.'*.. ™..o *.-.«.■»»« ■»*— 



- lugbl to bo, they \rould all do so. The slaveholders xvant none but moral abihlj 
ib list) slavery. Dad tJiey tlio same inclination they have physical ability, slavery would bu 
abolished in a week, all over the United States. 

Equally futile ii tlio attempt, to fasten the blame of slavery in the United State?, on the British 
Government ; just as ii'tlie crimes of that government, could justify those of others 1 That gov- 
ernment, like the constitution of tiie United States, and the Law of Nations, had no agency in the 
introduction of slavery into the polonies. It did not assist nor prohibit such introduction at all ; 
nor did it do any thing to support tho practice, after its introduction, ft simply did nothing at 
all in relation to it. But the colonists did encourage the slave trade. They purchased the siavos 
from the men-stealers who in ported them ; and thus cieaied a market fur tho traffic. Nor were 
they under any compulsion to purchase, it was a voluntary act of their own ; and to them more 
than to the British Government, belongs the guilt, of the first introduction of American slavery. 
That government was to blame for not prohibiting the trade at first, and for not abolishing it af- 
terwards ; as the slaveholders are now. But the chief blamo in both cases, rests on the colonial 
slaveholders themselves; 

I will here make another passing remark, respecting the denial of the right of petition to 
?laies. The reception of petitions from the poorest and vilest of persons, is an attribute or pre- 
rogative oflhe Almighty; and for man to deny it, must therefore be blasphemous. For a worm 
of tho dust to assume prerogatives higher than his Maker, id a stretch of impiety, that none but 
the greatest criminals would dare to indulge in. Nor is apprehended abuse of this right, any just 
reason for its denial any more than for the denial of any or all the other rights. It should also be 
remarked, that this right is by the common consent of mankind, considered so sacred, that it is 
not denied in any country on the globe, except in the U. Statos. This country lias carried its 
blasphemous audacity farther, than the most absolute despots have heretofore dared to do. 

I will here in conclusion, make a few remarks, respecting the legal right of Congress, to abolish 
slavery aid the slave trade, in the District of Columbia, and the Territories under the jurisdiction 
of the United Slates. Congress has the same power over the District and Territories by the con- 
stitution, (Art. l,Sec. 8, Art. 4, Sec. 3.) that every other sovereign state has within its jurisdic- 
tion. All states have a constitutional right, to abolish crimes within their limits ; and do con- 
stantly exercise this right. They aro called 'sovereign' because they possess this among other sove- 
reign or constitutional rights; and could not be 'sovereign' unless they did possess it. It is also the 
Divine duty of such states, to abolish all crimes among theii subjects ; as tho Scripture pa 
already quoted prove. Their moral obligation is within their jurisdictions, the same as that of 
individuals. Congress has therefore tho undoubted legal right and duty, to abolish the crime of 
slavery within those jurisdictions; the same that it has to abolish all other crimes, and for the same 
reason ; because slavery is a crime. Nobody doubts the legal or constitutional power Of con- 
gress, to abolish the crimes of murder, rape, common robbery, counterfeiting, forgery, &c. in 
those places; and were it not for the moral blindness and depravity produced by slavery, nobody 
would doubt its right to abolish that also. And in fact nobody everhas doubted or preten- 
ded to doubt this power; but every body admitted it, till very recently; when the subjeet of abo- 
lition has been seriously agitated. Statesmen in every part of the union, until lately unanimous- 
ly concurred, in the existence of this right in congress ; all believing in (he existence of this 
power, as much in the case of one crime as another. The one case is on its merits, as plain aa 
another; slavery being ass great a crime, as is or can be committed within those jurisdictions. 
This is the principal reason, why the various state legislatures in the froc states, abolished slave- 
ry within their limits ; because like murder, &c. it was a crime; and as such it was their sove- 
reign right and duty, to abolish it without the least hesitation or unnecessary delay. Nor has con- 
gress any more right to look to consequences, in the abolition of this crime, than in the aboli- 
tion of other crimes and criminal practices. If slavery bo a high crime and on all accounts de- 
structive of human happiness, (us nobody ca:i honestly doubt it is,) it is the imperative, moral, 
political and religious duty of congress to abolishit within those jurisdictions immediately, 
without any regard to supposed or imagine!) ovil consequences. 

It is contended by some that congress has no right, to abolish the rested rights, alias vested 
wrongs, of the slaveholders, in the District and Territories ; just as if sin could become honest- 
ly 'vested,' and of course justified, by long customary indulgence in it; for this is the morality of 
the pretence. But this is not true ; if those -vested' rights are unjust. Every slave right is an e- 
ternal wrong or crime ; and every wrong or crimo ought to be instantly abolished. It is no in- 
jury to any man, to deprive him of his unjust rights, or rather his wrongs; or to disturb him in 
their exercise. No man ought ever to be permitted, to exercise any unjust rights for a mo- 
ment ; whether they be 'vosted' or not. This doctrine is well understood to be true in every 
other ease. Least of all ought those rights that are mala in se, like that of slavery, to remain 
'vested' in any body for a moment. To call slave 'rights' by that name is a misnomer. To con- 
vey true ideas of their real nature, they ought always to bo called slave wrongs. Evoiy 'vested 
right' to commit crimes is a vested wrong merely; and ought to be immediately abolished. A- 
bolition in the District and Territories would restore to the slaves, that which justly belongs to 
them; and would deprive their owners of nothing that ever justly belonged to them: 



.': 

no injustii e \vi 
The pretence is founded on il ownership; 

as it oniy aggra' i; their ju»( and vir- 

tuous desires ought to be consulted • Mesh ■.;.•. Tlie 

\ry for instance, (which is a ibs only,) ought ju tl) t.i I. Ii 

Tliotime already passed by them in ihc sin and gi 
contented and cheerful acquiescence ; vide . 

It is also ooi led by m my, that the latter pari of ' Amendments to like 

tniion, commencing with 'n 

the District and Territories, witln i A c. To this I reply ; First; tl 

(who are 'pel ler with or without ' 

If they A'""-' been Lhus dopiived, then the I 

on« law being as mu i not been thus deprivod, tl 

> objection of want of 'due pr n 'deprived ofl 

without 'due process,' are all free • titulion. And if it be further contended, that 

■ ' means writs i nevei 

deprived of lib i, they are all free under ths constitution. And; 

! say, that by the wo ■■■ in the t niti ! Stat 

tinder the consliti irouchfor the 'guarantee' of slavery by thi 

tancipation, congress will nol take the slaves for 'public usoj'n ' . 
expressly says '_/;;.•••/ compi n re not at liberty to suppose it appli 

is ition, us all slave compensation clear)) is ; as Ins been already fully pjoven. 
And as to apprehended evil consequences to result from such abolition, such as crcan 
easiness among the surrounding slaves, affording an a3ylum to I una ways, example to the slave 

(which arc not 'evil' consequence?) &e. ; how easily, as Mr. Stanton justly re- 
ran the slaveholders avoid the effects of lin.su supposed 'consequences,' simply by abt.: 
slavery themselves t This simple remedy is nol only i divine duty, bnt is perfectly safe and 
sure, and high!) advantageous both to slaveholders anil slaves ; as has been abundantly 
ehown. Ths slaveholders may thus mm all these 'consequences, 1 into the greatest blessings 
to themselves and their friends; and if they will not avoid 'evil consequi > " w " 

procuring, by the easy application of a safe and righteous remedy, the sin and blame of the 
neglect or refusal, will rest only on themselves. As the District and Territories now or 
are tin 'asylum' only for slaveholders ami other criminals ; who if they had justice done them, 
would soon be provided with another kind of 'asylum.' The disgrace which every where at- 
taches to the national character, in consequence of the slave marts and auctions, and other 
slavery in the District, as well as the injury done to the cause of republican principles and 
fri edom, is so great, that ih'i injuries Ihey produce, ought to bs terminated assoon as possible. 
And as no bad consequences can follow the measure, unless they are the vplui tary produce 
of slavery, it is to be hoped the national legislature, will soon have sufficient justice and wis- 
dom civen if, to adopt it without unnecessary d 

The same is the moral and religious duly of the legislature of every slave r:ate ; and for the 
same reasons. All ihc legislatures of the slave states are bound, : 
(Divine obligations,) that can bind mankind, to abolish slavery within iheji 
tions immediately, by Inw, without any regard to 'consequi n 

I ought in conclusion to remark, that those who have insisted so loudly, that the abolition* 
ists are violating the spirit of the constitution, are seldom known to express any indignation, 

• reckless actual violations of the constitution of the United Stales, not merely I, 
and slavite fanatics, but by southern legislatures, for the suppression of the abolition crV' i 
Notwithstanding the perfect notoriety of the dreadful facts, that either by unconstitutional 
slave legislation, or the spirit of rnobocracy, or both together, constitutional freedom ofspeecii 
and of the press against slavery and in favor id, are utterly prohibited and sup- 
pressed in the slavo states, and to a considerable extent in some uf the free states, they man- 
ifest no indignation or alarm on account of it ! !t is onlj thi particular kind of pretendod m- 
olattons of the constitution, by the abolitionists, that they arc concerned about. Tl. 
shocked at all 'interference' with the 'rights' of slaveholders ; but consider the customary 'inter- 
ference' of the latter, to destroy all the rights of lh?ir own slaves, conduct every way just and 

• '. The right of slavery is with them sacred. But the I on of all othei 
gives them no trouble at all! 



10 tli Gbj. —Injur ij to Slaves. 



It is earnestly and eonfulently asseited, by persons vvho were never known before, to bo mo- 
ved or affected by any other source of injury to slaves, that the Ebutiuoniets are doing more 
hurt than good to the slaves, hy their mistaken pbilan they are incr< 

verity of their treatment, riveting their chains. iv gors of their bondage. 

And this false notion seems to have attained some credence, even among honest peoph who 
dread lest the slaves should be injured, by the .■■ exertion ing in their be- 

half. Let us examine the merits of the pretence. 

Suppose this false charge to be true, that the abolitionists really are riveting the chains of the 
slaves the tighter, andwhat would it prove ? Wl what the slaveholders 

♦rant they should do! Why then need the lalteror their friends complain. They have no in- 
Untion of emancipating their slaves themselves ; and wish to eecu in the 

most effectual manner. According to the pretence th ht to be grateful to the abo- 

litionists, for their valuable assistance and support in d ofs avery; instead of an. 

atbematising and persecuiing them as they do. Ccitain it is on their own showing bv this 
charge, that they have no reason to complain of abolition measures; yet strange to tell, they 
raid their friends nre the only persons, who do complain of them! And equally strange is it, 
that the slaves who are said to be the only parsons injured, are extremely anxious for the in- 
crease of abolition exertion's ! ! Is it possible for a pretence to be trite, that is contradict...! by 
such conduct? And if the denunciations of the abolitionists, have fortified slavery and retar- 
ded f's abolition, by enraging the slaveholders, then the preaching of the gospel musl have 
fortified heathenism for the same reason ; for ;hat preaching met with the same opposition at. 
fir.^t, that abolition preaching now does ! Moreover, if opposition to slavery will increase the 
sufferings of slaves, why did God command men to make such opposition? Would He issue 
commands injurious to I lis ereatures ! Can 'injury' result from obedience to his perfect Lav. s ! 

It is saiil the slaveholders hold their slaves with a 'firmer grasp,' in consequence of abolition 
efforts. So did Pharaoh the Hebrews; but did this render the conduct of Moses and Aaron 
improper? So did the British goverment seize the colonies with a 'firmer grasp, 'on account 
of'the resistance made to its tyranny. Such resistance always increases the race of tyrants at 
first. So did ths heathen isolators hold to their superstitions and abominations, with a 'firmer 
grasp,' in consequence uf the preaching of the apostles ; and used mobs and all manner of per- 
secution to support them. The most savage laws were made and enforced, to protect the 'pe- 
culiar institutions' of the heathen. So did the Tope and his tools hold to catholic superstitions 
and abuses, with a 'firmer grasp,' on account of the preaching of Luther and the other reform- 
ers; who did not delay the reformation 'two hun ch preaching neither; as it is 
said the abolitionists have abolition by theirs. None' of those eorrnptionists were any more 
willing, to tolerate what they called 'error of opinion,' than the slaveholders now are, by leav- 
ing their 'reason alona to combat it.' They knew very well, as the slaveholders now know, 
that mere reason could not support their 'peculiar institutions' ; but that if left to its unrestrai- 
ned operation, it would quickly destroy them. Hence they all passed laws as the slavehol- 
ders now do, to restrain reason entirely, from all 'interference' with their 'peculiar institu- 
tions.' 

The charge of the pretence is, that the abolitionists compel the slaveholders to use increased 
severity towards the slaves, to insuro their own safety. If it be meant in the sainu sense, 
that the operation of good laws compels criminals, to the exerois'o of greater caution in the 
commission of crimes, there is considerable plausibility in the charge, however false it may bo 
in reality ; for such laws soinetimea 'cause' thieves and other rogues, a great deal of trouble ; 
and thus compel them in the sense of the pretence, to use more caution and pains in practising 
their villany. The moral restraint of abolition is as troubl u ome to slaveholders, as legal res- 
traint is to other criminals. The charge also cannot h ense but this, be- 
cause slavery is bna of th< lea that can be commuted ; and if it were not, mere 
intellectual m would produce no danger to those who practice it.— 



•I 

Whoever fears a ny danger, ppoaition to bit virtuoiin actioni or principles? None 

but criminals over yel had any - > j itself haa nothing to fear, if it is right; an.J 

if it is wrong, it ought to b harge lo be tru ea un- 

der consideration ; are the laws in ;iia one caae and the eflorta of the abi I 
er. uvonj, or to blam virtuous and m 

they expose criminala h danger. L*ws and r crime* hazai 

must be *ood means j and those who use then, deserving of praise rather than blame, 
mitting the truth of the charge ; the objectors will still bo obliged lo ry is c. 

virtuous practice, ami that the sin . I I « pursue i: ; l r il 

abolitionists arej isfifmble , for how can they inrur guilt or deserve blame, f..r causing d 
to criminals in the practice i nee ? There is no more juetide in blami 

lionists in such a acse, than in hlaming an officer nf the law. for punisbine a condemned crim- 
inal. The ii i ild still rest against slavery ; not a . n '., ,.jt would 
be IhouglU of the morality wta man, whi blaming a criminal for the . 
■murder, should blame the law thai punishes him !, or should blame the vuri >us officers, j . 
&c. who enforced the law ! Yel the morality of this pretcne 
abolition endangers nothing but injustice and crime. If a msn be punished : 
nishmentand all the oilier consequences io him, are chargeable only 10 his guilt. In lh« 
manner, the conseq • ng the practice of slavery, at all timet befbrt its abolitit ■ 
chargeable only to the guilt of sla only who commit sin a 
consequences ; not those wh ■ , endanger it. 

It is pretended, that the abolitionists produce this necessity lor additional seve 
tating th6 subject of slavery, and thereby rendering the slaves uneasy and rebellious; in con- 
sequence of which it is pretended, (not proved,) that the slaveholders are obliged to ot 
creased rw*or, in order to govern their slaves as bi fore. It is not pretended, so fur as I know 
or believe, that the abolitionists have advised or encouraged this pretended increase of rig 
for it is notorious, that they have uniformly implored ihe slaveholders, to release their victims 
from bondage, and treat them with humanity, justice and equity. This alleged increase of the 
rigors of slavery, cannot therefore be because the slaveholders have been misled, by th 
vice or example of the abolitionists ; bul have acted contrary to both. Bad they 

followed \he:n, all danger whet • d or real, would have disappeared long ago ; and of 

course this pretended 'necessity' could not hiive existed. It has nut often been pretended, 
that the abolitionists have advised or encouraged '■> insurbordinatien and rebellion. 

This falsehood is too glaring and notorious, to render its frequent use advisable. It is i 
tained only in particular pluces and on special occasions. And us to 'agitation,' in the dan- 
gerous sense of the term, the abolitionists do not 'agitate' slavery at all. It is abolition they 
'agitate,' and press upon the country ; and there is no danger in that, as we have clearly seen. 
Nor does the mode or manner in which they treat slavery, lend at all to increase its dan 
but greatly to lessen them, both to master and slave; as v. e shall . nn. 

'Necessity,' of his own producing, is always the tyrant's plea ; and in ihe presenl case, il 
is said to be a 'necessity' that abolition (not slavery) creal easily' 

produced b\ temptation,) was first used at the fall of man— vide Gen. in 12, 13 ; and never 
was a crime committed since, without some kind of 'necessity' as an excuse for it. It has 
been set up thousands of limes, to justify criminal opp ligion , and all man- 

ner of righteousness. The same kind of 'agitation' and disturbance produced by it, were char- 
ged by ancient cori u| tionisis, on our .Saviour and the pi o phots, apostles and martj re, namely, 
that by the proclamation of the truth and righteousness, they raised excitement arui produced 
trouble and danger— vide 1st Kings xviii 17, 18, xri 20, Luke xxijj 2, .">. 10, 1 i. . T 
Acts xvi SO, 21, xvii 5-7, xix, 23-41, ,x.\i 28, and other passages. The Jews said it w:>s they 
the reformers, (not the corruptions of the times,) that created disturbance, and raised the 'ne- 
cessity' for opposition to their preaching. Luther, Calvin. Knox, Wesley, and all other great 
reformers, had the same false charit -them. Luther and hia followers were 

charged with the guilt and responei of all the 



96 

lies • just as the Roman emperors pretended they were 'compelled' to persecute, the martyr* 
The protestant massacres were 'necessary' the Pope said, to extinguish the heresy introduced 
by Luther ; and that he and the other heretics only, were responsible for the guilt of those 
massacres. So the blame of our revolutionary troubles, was charged by the Biitish govern- 
ment and the tories, on the leaders of (he revolution. These men that government pretend- 
ed, (not its own oppressions,) fomented the rebellious spirit of the colonies, and thus 'com- 
pelled' the government, to the exercise of greater severity, than would otherwise have been 
necessary. So all the blame of the 'horrors of St. Domingo,' was charged by the French go- 
vernment on the negroes; as it is by slaveholders and their advocates yet. The blame of the 
revolutionary troubles in Ireland, Greece and Poland, was thrown on the patriots who fought 
for freedom, in those unfortunate enterprises. Such false pretences are very common in his- 
tory. All tyrants make them of course ; and none but tyrants, and other criminals, were ever 
known to make thtm. No other persons art; ever found wicked enough to make them. 

That slavery is the only real and true anise, of the pretended dangers falsely charged on a- 
bolition, is thus easily proved. Were all human slavery, and other oppression, now wholly 
abolished, 'incendiary circulars 1 ol'every description might be multiplied ar.d circulated ad infi- 
nitum, without producing the slightest, dangerous effect to any body. But so long as s'averj 
is supported, the greatest dangers will always attend the practice, to every body concerned in 
or effected by it; and either with or without 'circulars' of any description. These facts prove 
clearly, that these pretended dangers do not exist in the nature of abolition, or in that of the 
means used to promote and procure it; but in that of slavery alene. Were the slaveholders 
now totally to abolish slavery, the truth of this doctrine would appear in a week. For were 
the 'incendiary circulars' of the abolitionists, to be multiplied and circulated a million fold, af- 
ter such abolition, they would not produce the slightest dangerous effect. If their design really 
was rebellious excitement, every body would despise their falsity and ridicule their object. — 
Such 'circulars' intended to 'excite' the free people of this country, would only be laughed at; 
as well known falsehoods always arcs. Thus is it clearly proven, that it is the moral corrup- 
tion engendered by slavery alone, that has produced all the 'increased rigors' of slavery, whe- 
ther real or prete xled ; all the horrors of 'Lynch law,' or mob outrage and murder, and all the 
other breaches of the constitution; since the commencement of the abolition controversy ; and 
the guilt of them all will at the 'great day,' be imputed only to the supporters of slavery. 

It is sometimes said that the slaveholders h kve never injured the abolitionists ; and the lat- 
ter have therefore no right to injure them. I readily grant that the abolitionists have no right to 
injure the slaveholders, whether the latter have injured them or not ; nor have the abolitionists 
ever attempted to injure them, by attempting to abolish slavery with the means they use ; as 
has been abu ' intly shown. The righteous, voluntary abolition of slavery, cannot work inju- 
ry to any body. The relinquishment of unjust rights never yet did or can 'injure' any person. 
He loses nothing by such relinquishment that justly belongs to him ; how then can he be in- 
jured by it ? But it ia not true, that the slaveholders have 'never injured' the abolitionists. 
Whoever injures my neighbour, injures me and all mankind ; as the Law of God and the com- 
mon law both declare. And as abolition works benefir, so slavery in all its effects and con- 
sequences, works constant injury and nothing but injury, to all mankind. It injures them by 
the dangerous precedent it sets. For if it be held ri^ht to enslave any part of mankind inno- 
cent of crime, it is of course held right to enslave the whole; and thus the freedom of the 
whole is continually endangered ; as the present moral and political crisis in this country fully 
demonstrates. It injures all mankind, by the manifold corruption, tyranny, poverty and mis- 
ery it produces, and tends every where to produce. There is not an abolitionist living, but 
who has in more ways than one, been personally injured by slavery. The common law cor- 
rectly supposes this consequence, in the case of public wrongs and injuries; of which slavery 
is one of the greatest— vide 4 Blar. Com. 5, G. It might as well be pretended, that a criminal 
sentenced for his crimes, has 'never injured' the court and jury who try him, or the officers 
who execute the sentence; and that they have therefore 'no right' to try, eeutence and punish 
him ; ai that the abolitionists hive r no right' to attempt to abolish slavery by just and legal 



teeaiw, tor want of personal injury. Whncvci i 

mankind ; tor the plain an<! obvious reasons here given. Bei 

deny tl liver the oppressed, 1 though CJod hu-; commanded it as a duty ; and is ■ 

foro blasphemous, The Bible d ies not say 'deliver the 

nor 'injure' tho oppressors. The oft repeated command in, to 'di ei all 

events ; without any i teeption or qualification And (hit lory on 

aJl mankind, slaveholders as well as others. All mankind are thus undi i i I 
to attempt to abolish slavery immediately ; and those who liavc power to to make the attempt, 
incur heavy guilt every moment they negleot it. Nor is it true that the abolitionists, are un- 
friendly to the bes^ interests of the slaveholders. They are unfriendly to their crimes 
And they manifest their friendship t"r them, by proposing for their adoption 
only best disposal of slavery that can be made (tho disposal that 1 
ded) in order to promote and secure their own best interests, both temporal and eternal ; a* La. 
been clearly shown. How thendo the abolitionists 'injure* them ? Thus al 
the pretence appear, that they are the 'enemies' of the slaveholders ; is they are 90m mo ily 
said to be. They ai d only real friendo the slaveholders 1 

xxvii 6. The ire their own worst enemies ; (Prov, x 17, \m 1 ;) and next (• 

selves are those, who endeavor t'> sustain them in : 

Hut. the pretence of 'increased severity.' is as false in fact as it is m princip ve and 

careful inquiry at the anti-slavery office in the city of New York, has '■■ the general 

treatment of slaves at the south, is better now than it was be/orb the anti-slavery ev i 

•. Tins result was to have been expected, as the natural effect of the excitement. Whl tj 
the wicked conduct of bad people is watched and criticised, published ai I 
without their ability to arrest or control the criticism and censure, ihi 

ct in their wickedness. This effi ct uniformly follow? 
tion of the subjects of slavery and abolition, rendered the government of slaves more dil 
It has rendered it even less so ; by rendering the slaves more patient, submissive and 
fill. This result was also to be expected, as the ell 

■ knew their friends are at work, endeavoring to effect their liberation 1 leans, 

and zeal of ;hosc friends is increasing, the ray of hope which such know- 
ledge imparts, will render them peaceable and patient. It is despair only that 1 
rebellion. Besides, many <>f the slaves doubtless know, that the abolitionists use none but 
moral and reli cans to procure their liberty ; and utterly disclaim and condemn ih 

of any other ; and they wdl therefore, lor tho sake of their friends, continue 
grievi • is, with patience and resignation. For these very natura is, that 

i dangerous to the slaveholders now, than <> was before the exciti ment began. 
But inasmuch as tho pretence indirectly imputes guHt to the abolition; 

th of this imputation. For the si ■ it, let us suppose it actually true, that 

bolitionists do render th'' 1 practice of slavery, more dangerous to the slaveholders th 
used to he. When and where and by what just law I ask, was it 

of guilt or a guilty cause, to render a wicked practice or crim linala ' 

Certainly it is not by the Law of God, or by the common law, or by any other just law ; lor 

laws themselves render crimes more dan nunals. If we do not oursi 

commit crimi ose, nothing else lhat we can do to render crimes more dangerous 

to criminals, can incur mi offend apainst none but criminal laws or moral 

wrongs by so doing; and such offence is righteousness only. If our nets offend against no 
just law, we work righteousness instead of sin. Even ther; ue, it 

mus; first be&hoWn, that the abolitionists have broken just laws by their conduct, before they 
can justly he charaeabic with moral guil I .noes of a contrary 

doctrine, show the 1 charge. For according to the spirit of i', all the legislators 

who make just laws for the punishment of crimes, all the judges and executive officers who 
enforce and execute such laws, and all who expose and denounce those who violate them, 
must themselves commit crimes and incur moral guill • for they render the prac 

The spirit of th • lhat moral o| 

M 



ral actions or crimeeis wrong, because it may expose llie criminals to danger ; which expos- 
ure is one principal object of laws made against crimes ! And supposing ti.ai in consir<; 
of the increased clanger to crime, from the operation of such laws, the criminals Bhould be un- 
der the 'necessity,' (as it is called in the case of slavery,) of committing additional crimes, to 
screen themselves from tiie danger of punishment ; would the guilt of those additional crimes 
be justly imputable to those legislator?, judges and officers ! Would the additional sufferings, 
of the victims of those 'necessary' crimes, be justly chargeable to their account ? Certainly 
not ; because they did right in making and enforcing the laws. And yet it is just as clear, 
that tiny were the 'causes' of the pretended 'necessity' of those additional crimes and suffer- 
ings, as that the abolitionists are the 'cause,' of the pretended increase of slave dangers and 
slave cruelties. On the same ground guilt would be imputable to God ; lor he renders the 
commission of crime infinitely dangerous ! ! When a criminal is punished for a crime, many 
causes usually operate to produce the punishment. All the 6teps taken to produce thai effect 
are operative causes ; but the only guilty cause, is the crime itself for which punishment is in- 
flicted ; and the criminal is the only guilty actor, to whom all the guilt is imputable. And all 
the actors, except the criminal himself, are innocent actors ; innocent not only of the suffer- 
ings of the criminal, but of those of his victims. So it is in the principal subject under consid- 
eration. Were it as true as it is false, that the treatment of the slaves is more rigorous than 
it used to be, still slavery i? the only guilty cause of that pretended increase of rigor, and the 
slaveholders and their supporters the only guilty actors in it. The acts of the abolitionists in 
such case are innocent acts ; and notonly innocent, but righteous and highly meritorious; b( ing 
performed in obedience to the Law of God. Terrible persecutions followed the mission of 
the apostles. Dreadful massacres followed the preaching of Luther.— yet the efforts of the a- 
postles and of Luther, to overthrow the corruptions oi their times, were among the most right- 
eous and meritorious acts they ever performed. And the imputation of guilt to the abolition- 
ists, involves the blasphemous absurdity, of pronouncing the Saviour, and all the prophets, a- 
poslles and mortyrs, criminals ! Nay, it involves the sliil higher blasphemy, of imputing guilt 
to God himself, in obedience to whose commands they all acted ! ! 

Besides, there cannot in reality be any 'necessity' for increased rigor, because there is none 
for the continuance of slavery. I never heard any such 'necessity' pretended, except by grad- 
ualists ; and they had no right to pretend it — because the pretence is false, ns__before shown. 
Any resident slaveholder can at any time, put an end to the practice in an hour; and thus 
deliver himself from this 'necessity,' whether it be real or pretended. The abolitionist 
a just right and duty both, to prosecute all their measures ; but the slaveholders have no such 
right or duty to continue slavery. Abolition is 'necessary.' for Goil has commanded it ; slave- 
ry is not, for Ho has forbidden it. There is no more 'necessity' for it than there is for murder. 
Slavery alone 'causes' all the 'necessity' for its rigors and cruelties ; and since it is itself un- 
necessary, as all sin is, all the guilt of those rigors and cruelties, attaches to the slaveholders 
and their supporters alone. 

The proclamation of the truth against error and crime is always a good and holy work, let 
the consequences to ourselves or others be what they may. The object of the abolitionists is 
to prevent the commission ot crimes, by removing their source and origin — slavery. And lot 
what may happen to the slaves or to any body else, on account of their righteous exertion 
are guiltless of sin in the premises ; and will stand justified at the bar of God. All the guilt 
of the horrors preceding emancipation, will be charged by the Almighty Judge, to the account 
of their guilty opposers ; vide Eze. iii 18, 19, xviii 10-13, xxii, xxxiii 2-5, Acts xviii C, x.\ 26, 
27, 2d Tim. iv 8. 

It is difficult to discover how the measures of the abolitionists, have been a cause however 
innocent, in the usual sense of the term, of the alleged increase of the rigors of slavery. Not 
until tho enemies of abolition can prove that righteousness can produce the 'necessity' of com- 
mitting crimes, will they also be able to prove, that abolition is a real 'cause' of that alleged 
increase. The practice of ri,jhfeou<<ness can never produce any criminal 'necessity' whatever. 
We have seen how those measures have been a 'cause,' <•! the real decfitase of those ; 



,„d how can measures directlv and powerfully calculated to weaken and deetroy m tb.t.to. 
Uon, help .0 increase it or any of it. effects ! There surely must bo -- ° ' a £ 

B uch 'increase." But had there been a real increase ol those rigors, il .8 sl.II certain, that the 
Joe itlonUte have never advised nor a,ded nor encouraged the Beholders to lh, ,U.e oUn, 
such rigors whatever. Nor have they eve, giver, -hem the least jUSt provocation, to treat I , , 
laves with cruel; v. They have never el, -laveholdcrs ; for they have novel told a- 

to be any libel. Nor is doing one's duty eve, a just provocation in an> .ale. Obedience lo 

the commands of God, entreating men to desist from the practice ol »*fYl^*2 
them to the praet.ee of righteousness, are never just provocations to sin , for ,1 they be then 
Christ, the patriarchs, prophets, apostles, martyrs and reformers, gave *»^«?*J£ 
vocation ! Besides, the abolitionists, so far from having encouraged the slaves to mak res 
„nce, or fomented a discontented, uneasy, rebellious spirit among them, have , umfounly ^ngh. 
submission to their masters, and a patient endurance, of their grievous oppressions And eo 
far from there being greater danger, of slave rebellions now than former y I h ,e .. do. b es 
much less. For so long a, the siaves know, (and they do know., tha he nc nda a e U>bo 
log for their emancipation, so long .hey will be the more peaceable and qm^Oq olh 
crwise would be Hope always inspirea quietness ; despair alwaj - 

^; r ; s ;:l. ltl oneLucc : aseennre,y, i ,ndU.ed il n, (r F-* 

increased. The spirit of liberty is kindled by nature in the besoms of the rtave* > - ' 

well know, that it of right be.ongs to them. This spirit may be smothered for a while bu 
unless voluntary emancipation ensue in time, it will at last break out in rebellion like a no 
a o 2 impossible to quench this spirit in ignorance in a country tha. resound* v. h 

the berties of white men, from one end of it to the other. The plain truth is the ab 

asoTl^o, a .cause, of any alleged increase of slave ~*^£££ZZ 
sense of that word ; for they do not 'cause' any necessity or such "^^'^^Xri* 
has been shown They ore made the occasion, or Wicked pretence or pretext, by he Blayebul 

Llives 'caused' bv the righteous conduct of their victims or thc.r friends. 

hav no d but t bu hat some few slaveholders, have wreaked their mahc.ou. «*£££ 



„d meritorious acts, under false pretence,. And such persecution . 



,.U and the .'•'.». ' f »' "BlH.o» S n«» ..k., (M.tt. . I > > , 



100 

the slaveholders ia of theirs. 

But the most curious part of the whole subject is, that the objection is raised, out of pre* 
tended pily and tenderness to the slaves, by persons only who were never known before, to 
manifest the least pily, sympathy or indignation, for any slave wrongs or sufferings, except 
those which they say, ihe abolitionists have caused ! Most singular indeed is it, that slave rig- 
ors and cruellies should have such a different effect, on such tender, conscientious, sympath- 
etic minds, according only as they are inflicted by different agents. The only portion of their 
'southern brethren,' for whom they have any sympathy, is the criminal, tyrannical portion. — 
For 'ihuse who are in bonds,' they never had any pity or sympathy, or 'bowels of compas- 
sion' at all ! ! Nor do these tender sympathisers advise, or manifest any intention or desire 
to advise, ihe slaveholders to abolish slavery and release their victims ; which would prevent 
the 'necessity' af all rigor whatever. They well know, that whether the abolitionists prose- 
cute their measures or not, yet so long as slavery continues, the necessary treatment of tho 
slaves must be cruel. Yet thoy manifest no solicitude on account of this kind of necessity ! 
They are perfectly willing the colored people should be aliased to any extent, provided ihe ab- 
olitionists do not abuse them ! They care not who else abuses the slaves, if the abolitionists 
do not! Nor have we the least reason to believe, from their previous conduct, that had tho 
abolitionists never appeared, their sensibilities wou'd ever heve been disturbed, by ail the slave 
cruelties in the world. It is only the particular injuries inflicted by tho abolitionists, that rend 
their sensitive and virtuous bosoms ! 

iith Obj. — Ancient Prophecy. 

This objection, if it deserves to be called one, is soon disposed of. It assumes, conti 
all the evidence in tho case, that all the black people in the world descended from Canaan, who 
was cursed in his posterity for his father Ham's transgression ; and therefore it is just anil 
right to enslave them ; such conduct being in obedience to prophecy, alias the express com- 
mands of God. A slight theological error is here perceptible. Prophecies are not Divine com- 
mands. They are not the rule of christian duty. They are merely histories of events, rela- 
ted previously to their occurrence. Neither does the fulfilment of prophecies by wicked agents, 
leave those agents guiltless, — vide Ex. iv 21, vii 3, 13, xiv 4, 17, Deut. xxxi 1G— 18, 29, Judg. 
ii 19, Jer. xxv S— 14, Hos. ix 9, Matt, xviii 7, Luke xvii 1, Rom. ix 22, and other passages. 
For if they were, nobody on prcdestiuarian principles, could be guilty of sin ! The bondage 
of the Israelites was prophecied of, (vide Gen. xv 13, 14 ;) but yet the Egyptians were punish- 
ed for it. The sufferings and death of our Saviour were matter of old prophecy ; yet the cor- 
rupt Jews who crucified him, and their posterity, were held responsible in the most awful pe- 
nalties, for the guilt of this most criminal transaction. So Christ foretold the persecutions of 
his own followers, (vide Matt, x 16-23, xxiv 9, 2d Tim. iii 12, fyc.',) yet their persecutors 
were dreadfully scourged for them. Many other similar cases might be cited. Beside?, the 
Scriptures expressly forbid the doing of evil, that good may come of it,— vide Rom. iii S, vi 1, 
15. Let people beware then, how they commit sin, by doing evil that good may come of it, 
ihrough perverted notions, of the innocent fulfilment of the prophecies. 

But tho objection is as false in fact as it is in sentiment. The primeval origin of nations is 
involved in the greatest obscurity ; but from all the evidence there is in the case, antiquarians 
are generally agreed, that the present race of black people, descended from Cush, ariother son 
of Ham, (Gen. x 6,) upon whom no curse was pronounced. There is no evidence that they 
descended from Canaan. The real descendants of Canaan, upon whom the curse actually 
fell, were the Canaaniies, (Gen. x 15-18.) who settled in the 'land of Canaan,' (Gen. x 19, 
xiii J 2-18, xv 13-21, xxvi 3, 4, Ex. xxiii 31, Numb, xxxiv 2-12, &c.) the boundaries of which 
arc well defined in the passages quoted ; and which was promised to Abraham and his poster- 
ity, after their deliverance from Egyptian bondage ; as those passages show. And the prophet- 
ic curse pronounced upon Canaan was fulfilled, when his posterity were conquered and Bub- 
bles; vide Dcut. l '/. S, xi 24, xxxiv 1-4, Josh, i 3, 4, 1st liinga iv 21, Neb. 



101 

ix 8, and dthei passages. '1 he objection thus falls to ilia ground. There is no ra 
to allow, that the negroea descended from Canaan, than that the 

white nations diil. l'hc descendants of Canaan could not I as Uia 

complexion of their posterity, supposed to bo y el md I oves. — 

The seal of our republican patriots, for the supi mowl- 

mends for | , by hunting u|i Bible prophecy, to justi- 

fy Irish oppression. Perhaps their sagacity will yet discover, that the Irish, the. Greeks, llio 
Pules, and all the white slaves in tho world, are descendants of Canaan ! 

Perversions of the true meaning of the Scriptures; hayo often b 
practices ; but a meaner perversion was never made, nor lor a wick 
under consideration. It is u curious fact, that there have always hern, since th 
ment of authentic history, a far greater number of white, than of black slaves in the world. And 
it would be just as reasonable, to attribute the lineage of all these White .-laws to Canaan, as 
that of all the black ones. It Wo . unreasonable and blasphemous, to ur- 

g«e inversely, and openly declare, that the condition of all slaves both while and black, | 
them to have descended from Canaan, oi < lain, or somebody else, under a prophetic < ui 
therefore it is just and right to enslave them ; for had it not been Cor this condition, the objec- 
tion would never have been thought of! Had the British government, for instance, conquer- 
ed and enslaved the colonies during the revolutionary war, it would have had just as j 
right to pretend, that ice were descendants of Canaan, as we have to pretend the colored peo- 
ple are. The one kind of blasphemy is no more absurd and wicki d than the other. It is in 
truth the foundation of the objection. For had it not bi en for the cnslavi d condition of tho col- 
ored people, it would not have been necessary to forge pcrvi 

ever, as one false pretence or 'refuge of lies/ is jusi as good as another for so wicked a pur- 
pose, we frequently find professing christians who pretend to believe in the Bible, and infidels 
who do not, but who are united in opposing abolition, resorting to this blasphemous pretence, 
\ one of th« h ick It si i f all pra< tices. 



i2th Obj. — Impo'cncy of Anli- Slavery Efforts. 

The effect of this objection is shockingly blasphemous; for as Abolition is a part of 
Law, it does in deny the ability of the Almighty, to execute His own will I 

abolition is tb id ; and those who deny the possibility of its final triumph over slave- 

ry, deny in effect the power of God, to destroy iniquity and establish 
They also deny the pi God for thai purpose; vidoPs. Ixxii2-17, Isa. \i 4-9, xxx 

18, and a thousand others. Tiue it is, that God lor purposes mysteri .'-the 

wicked to flourish long in their iniquities; vide Ps. xXxvii 35, Isa. xiv 13, I ':< i in ir 

ijnal destruction is wine, as the • orn exion shows. But none of God's i ■ m 

nt: vide Ps.cii 25-27, [an. li 6, Matt, xxiv 35, &oi And 
in his ordinary and extraordinary providence, in order to mortify and humble human conceit} va- 

nd piide, frequently works with the most feeble and apparentl) unlikelj i is; vide Ps. 

viii 2, Matt, xi 25, 1 and other pass ;ea; a doctrine most striking!) 

by every moral if not political revolution on record. The oi igin il and indeed prii 
of such revolutions, from the prophets and apostles downwar 

Bcure men, destitute of propi rty and friends, ami having >thi r weapi ns but the 'sword of the 

spirit.' To human appearance, they were among the most feeble and unlikely agents thai i 

be mentioned ; and the rise and progress of the great anti-slavery revolution 

illustration, of tho truth of the doctrine; as also of the harmony in it, of the I re and 

Revelation. The appearance of such agents lends to provoke this bl a 

long as their cause is that of (Jod, it must be highly blasphemous, to apply it either to the causo 

or its agents. But let us analyze the merits of the objection. 

It is one point in the policy of die enemies of abolition, though a most futile one, to endeavor to 
intimidate and discourage abolitionists, by representing, contrary to tl ce and 

ihe promises of God, that the attainment of their great object, (the overthrow of slavery,) is im- 
possible. 'No progress' has been made they say, towards abolition in this country as yet; and 
of course, according to their predictions, none ever will or can be mad" : so that the tut 
is utterly hopeless and useless. Hut this is \eiy strange reason ; I i it, 'no pro- 



to 

grass' war* made towards British i r , >us to the first ol Augusl 1 334 ! All tho 

efforts, labors and sacrifices of the British abolitionists, precious to that time, has been ineffectu- 
al ana use'ess! So also, in digging a well of fifty feet deep, if water be not Pound iu digging 
the first-forty-nine feet, 'no progress' is made towards finding it. All the preparations for e* 
mancipation are. it seems, entirely useless, until emancipation actually takes place ; and there- 
fore, nobody ought ever to attempt to make any : just as nobody ought ever to attempt to build a 
house; because such attempt is entirely useless, until the house is completely finished I Yet ab- 
surd and ridiculous as this pre ton cv is, it is frequently used. 

And on the supposition the pretence is (True ; if the means used by the abolitionists are so weak, 
powerless and impotent, as to be useless, and produce 'no effect,' and make 'no progress' tow- 
ards abolition, what becomes of the pretence of danger from the use of them ! The two pre- 
tences flatly contradict each other, and cannot therefoie both be line. They are iu fact both false. 
But those who use ono, would if/they were not reprobate, beashflrwed to uso the other; for con- 
sistency's sake. And the principal reason why either is used, is because reprobates are asham- 
ed of nothing. 

Iu the spiiit of this pretence is the oft repeated taunt of, 'why don't you go to the south and 
preach abolition 7 We have no slaves at the north ; such preaching is useless here' &c. 1 shall 
notice this taunt again; but will answer it for the present, by these inquiries: How can this, 
be known without trial 7 Docs the analogy of past experience confirm its tiuth? And why are 
such unusual criminal efforts made to prevent the trial? Why are the just laws of Cod and man 
violated, and the rights of the abolitionists trampled in the dust, to prevent this northern preach- 
ing 7 Why all this criminal opposition at ih&north ? Why the mobs, the 'indignation meet- 
ings,' the buffoonry, scurrility and blasphemy, the executive r- commendations, the legislative 
resolutions, &c. &c, to prohibit this 'useless/ impotent, ineffectual preaching f Why all these 
off) its to stop, to stifle aud prevent such preaching at the north ! Why do tho acts of these pre- 
tenders, continually contradict their pretences? Let them answer these inquiries if they can. 

It is sometimes said, that American slavery is beyi rid lUepopocr, or moral influence of the i'ma 
states, &c. But this is not true. The moral power of the free stales united against American 
slavery, would make a total end of it in a few years. There are other kinds oCpoioer, besides 
physical and legislative power; aud of fir mote potency and efficacy than either. The mora] 
(lower of ihe truth, which is the Pw-rr of Got!,, is the greatest power men can wield, to effect 
great revolutions in society. It precedes and regulates and controls, nil other kinds of useful 
power. See the description of it in 2d Cor. x 4, 5 Wo may observe tho truth of this descrip- 
tion, in every case, where this power has been skilfully applied. It overthrew the heathen 
Corruptions of the Roman Empire. It overthrew the corruptions of Christianity, at the time of 
i fie reformation. And wherever it can be skilfully applied, it will overthrow even slavish cor- 
ruptions. Nothing like it was ever known, to move and influence .and control, the conduct and 
actions of great multitudes of men. And it as potent now as it ever was. Let its influence onco 
thoroughly pervade the free states, aud it will soon overthrow slavery iu the slave st lies. 

It is certainly true, that with less powerful means than the abolitionists use, to abolish slavery 
in the United States, so great an enterprise might never be accomplished. But. as the same means 
under less favorable circumstances, have heretofore achieved still greater wonders, discourage- 
ment in their present use, would be wholly inexcusable. We know that the simple preaching 
of genuine Christianity, destroyed all the heathen religions and abominations, within the sphere 
of its influence. And were true Christianity in i ian oppression, to bo universally 

preached now, it would soon destroy modern slavery. This curse can no more stand before the 
light of gospel truth, thou idol worship or any other abomination can. Nor will sueh preaching 
in the free states, be ineffectual for such a purpose. Neither Luther nor Knox nor Calvin preach- 
ed at Rome. Yet the Pope felt the power of their preaching, as much perhaps as if thej did. 
That part of Christianity which applies to Human Oppressii n, has been entirely silenced iu all 
slave countries, because slavery could not exist unless it were silenced; any mote than Mahome- 
tan ism or Paganism could. Genuine Christianity always demands light and free examination, 
(vide Pr>v. iv 18, &c~Matt. v 14-16, 1st Tlmss. v 21. -1st J.din. 1st 5-7, and other passages;) 
whereas its perversions and conn . as all filse leligions aud criminal practices, de- 

mand darkness and silence; vide Job xxiv 18-1. . La. xxix 16, xxx I. John iii 20, 

2d Cor. iv 2, Eph. v 11-13, &c. Toe Scriptures abundantly I trines; and the na- 

ture of human corruption and its n formation, abundantly confirm their truth . thus proving again 
also, the harmony of the Laws of Nature nod Revelation. All manner of criminal means have 
been resorted to, even in this enlightened country, to pri - ;h bition of the true doctrines 

of Christianity, in regard to human oppression ; because the enemies of liberty know, thai if these 
doctrines are preached, rrr*tb© genuine spirit of Christianity, they will destroy Blayery. fney 
know that genuine Christianity is a system of republican liberty and equality; that it grants and 
guarantees equal rights to all mankind; and that the more true Christianity is preached, tfie clear- 
er will the truth of this great doctrine appear. Liberie is so necessary a doctrine ol Christianity, 
that it is made a type or figure of deliverance from dage; vide John vhi3S, Rom. v, 

14, 18, 29 vii 4 6* vi?i9 21 % 2d Cor. iii 17, Gal. ii 4, iii 28, iv », vl 1st! 



■ ]".; 

ci lei 

mparison ofthe nunn 
quoted, will show. No wonder then, that tyrants, ^ I with- 

hold tho "key of knowledge' froi i 
tiens; and that they should cleave to its abuses, ■ 
ty' to their slave rights. 

It is curious to hear the object rati n, mads by men, who liave heretofore 

proclaimed the loudest of uny, the effi i is of our i> publican institutions ... . n the 

tyrannies of the old countrie proclaiming how those means shake the thrones of the I 

them to turn pale, &.e. Now is it not at least as liki ly. that the abi it oi the 

free states, will have as great an in Lhe slave tyrants ofthe slave states 

example of both will have, on the I ■ : it is strictly true,' that our n 

lican example has a powerful influen i" Europe ; but this iutlm ace would bo much more pow- 
erful and effectual, were n | it neutralized by our practice of slavery. Yet will not 

the proclamati be likely t" produce .is groat .id effei t at home, as it will in 

Europe or Asia ? i\ay, u ill And how can those corruptionists, who sup 

port slavish oppression at home, consistently i I; as they are m the constant habit 

of doing i And why do they not I m example and preaching, at home 

as well as abroad? Have they !< erty in theii own, than in foreign countries; or 

do they regard the rights and ha| : li ss than those of their own countr; 

Or do they desire the liberty and i \'-*U men, in foreign countries only ! ! 

tut and consistent 'democratic' practice, of our American 'republican lend for 

freedom abroad, and for slavery at home I 

BtpVto return to our course of argument. There is nothing like the exhibit) ..truth, 

in its simplicity, to remove error, and promote the increase of rightei Wit! 

ben reformats ns just quoted; the protestaut reformation; the late temperance re- 
formation, and many others. All the genuine iibertj in the world, first sprung from genuine 
Christianity; a sever such liberty has 

been lost, it lias been for the wairilofthe protection of such Christianity. And wherever wicked 
errors and oppression, have become in christian countries, i . hris- 

lianily has been rejected, tmd n false ( substituted in its .-lead. This is the only true i 

ofthe existence of Human Oppression, in christian countries. Slaveholders and other arisl 
tic tyrants, I. nccaled from their victims; and thus contrive to keep 

them ignorant, oppressed and degraded. Tho pr >por means to reform these corruptions, and 
vindicate and restore true liberty, are therefore plain. It is simply, to preach the whole gospel, in 
Its purity and simplicity, without any perversions; as already stated. 

The objection under considerate i, ;b e remarked, blasphemous in its nature. C 
tiering the nature of l reformation, it docs in effect, deny 

the Power of God, to work reformation from sin I And if it were not thus blasphemous, it is 
contradicted by facts. In every case on record, whore the same means now used to abolish sla- 
very, have been thoroughly applied to the removal id' wicked customs, they have succeeded. It 
fS only where the applh ation h is not been attempted, or where it has been prevented, that they 
have ever failed uch want or prevent! nsidored a failure. And such has 

already been their effect, in this very corrupt country, that there can ! e no reasonable doubt left, 
ofthe ultimate extinction of our slavery. As before remarked, the objection is similar to an at- 
tempt to lhe digging of i well ; by arguing-, that because water cannot be found at the 
depth ol er down. The argument is. lha 
cause great reformations cannot be effected instantly, therefore tlicy can never be effected ! The 
same 'argumenT'was used against the Erk ihor great enterprises, rlad ancient re- 
formers I aged by sneA ' zious or moral reformations would avei 
have taken place. Christianity itself would have tailed ; and the world remained involved in 
heathenish ignorance and immoral. ly. Nay, were such foolery to be always heeded, no new 
crop would ever be sown; no new house bjuill or oilier enterprise undertaken. All bu :■ 
won; . be entin Ij suspended I 

And yet the blasphomous question is often tauntingly put, '. 
'How many si ives has it liberated I' 1 answer; it has I | in the Biitish West In- 

dies; 600,000 in St, Domingo; 3,000,000, oi more, in South America; and false reports and 
pretences, and other o| the contrary notwithstanding, it hasbegun to liberate, and will 

with the blessing ofGod according to liis promisi s, iu the c uree of a few years liberate, 2,500,- 
000, or more slaves, in the United States; and will finally liberate all the slaves, am 
Mi'ore than 100,000,000 throughout therworld I Tiie 'signs of the times' to this effl I 
plain to bo mistaken. The 'fountains ofthe gr al deep' of slavery, are beginning tj break up ; 
and the deluge of abolition will finally overwhelm it, with titter destruction. 

Were none of these 'signs' perceivable, ■. less the duty of the friends of righteous- 

ness ti and faint not,' for tin - other i minations. But ae 



iU! 

irriii indi alions, llicrn fievci 

at of ultimate - it, than that of American Abolition. !■• 

kind, owing to the facilities of printing and, literary comiwunic 

rapidity^ thai: they formerly Bid. And they Seldom gobatkwar irch is onward 

a rapidity proportioned to the means used to accelerate them, 'the anl 
progresses, with the greatest rapidity and energy. The succe 

great project, was not more certain. As the prospeftt now is, we have the best reason to 
and believe, that within the next succeeding ten years, 'every yoke in the United Stales will be 
broken, and all the oppressed go free?' 

And it should be remembered, that it is the enemies of abolition only, who pretend to despair 
of its success. Its friends exhibit no signs of discouragement . but the contrary. But the former 
may dismiss their apprehensions: Theeause of God is invincible; and ail their wicked opposi- 
tion will not defeat it. But their perseverance, in the bad cause in which they are engaged, is 
worthy of imitation, in the good one to which they are opposed. Strange i.s it, they can 
reason for despair, in a cause opposed to analogy and the promises ofGod. In the cause of the 
devil, they profess to have confidence ; in that of God, none at all ! But their 'confidence* is 
that of despair only ; and they persevere in their despair, for the same reason the devil d.jcs; to 
gratify in some way if possible, their habitual hatted and malice, against the truth and righteous* 
ness ! 

13th Gbj.-— Bad Motives. 

Christ told his disciples they should he 'blessed, when men spoke all manner of evil ofthew 
falsely, for his sake,' (vide Malt, v 10-22;) that is, for the sake of the righteousness he preached 
and inculcated; vide also 1st Pet. li 19, iii 14, lt>, and many other passages. It is frequently 
easy, to speak evil of men truly. But it is just, as easy, to speak evil of them falsely ; because it 
is as easy to lie, as to tell the truth ; but those who speak evil or others falsely, 
ness sake,' as is every where spoken of by the abolitionists, commit qperi- blasphemy, — vide 
Mic. ii 2-4, Matt, xi 20-24, Mark ix 42. John viii 44,43, x 32, . ■ xviii 6, 2dThess.ii 

10-12, 2d Tim. iii 8, and numerous oiher passages. This kind of opposition; or •.■peaking evil 
of the ttuth,' is what is meant by direct 'blasphemy, ' in the Scriptures ; as the numerous quota- 
tions show. But the blessing promised to those, against whose righteous acts it should i 
ken, appertains to the present abolitionists ; lor their acts are. literally, every where 'evil spoken 
of;' and especially their motives i Tor righteousness' sake.' But mark tin 
of the charge. Their cause and object, and all the mi - and yet 

their motives are falsely and mendaciously said to be bad! And not a partich 
is ever offered, to substantiate these base charges Prima facie, the motives of th< 
nfionists-are good ; and without some proof to the contrary, to criminal clt 

those who make them are justly obnoxious, to the charge of 1 

teaches, that 'the tree is known by its fruits;' But the opposers r i etse this rul •. All the 'fruits' 
of abolition are good, and only good ; as every case of immediate em 
its opposers assert, contrary to Seripture and experience, that both its friends and their n 
are bad'. Most of the abolitionists are also men of/air characters, unblemi 
exemplary behaviour. Very strong proof will be requisite, to satisfy the virtuous and h 
part r.f community, that the motives ol sur'i people are had. 

But notw ithstanding these facts, the country has rung with the false charges against abi 
ists, of 'treason, fanaticism, incendiarism, sectarianism, amalgamation, politic ■'■■■.; — 

and with toe false and opprobrious epithets of 'traitors,' 'fanatics,' 'radicals,' -disorganizers,' 
'madmen,' &c, all designed to load the abolitionists with hatred and distrust, and all 
without the least evidence, or pretence or offer of any, to support them ; and by men too, who 
constantly advocate liberty abroad, and support slavery at home ! The enemies of abolition con- 
tent themselves, with the use of hard names instead of hard arguments. From their total want 
of good means, they are compelled to use none but bad ones; Iblse charges among the rest. And 
these epithets are applied to abolitionists, by persons who were never known to charge slave- 
holders and other real 'fanatics,' &c, with any thing similar; or to manifest any indignation, 
at their habitual violation of moral duties and human rights. They never charge tyrants with 
bad motives! It is the enemies of tyranny only, who in their virtuous opinion, are thusch 
able ! 

It is proper to observe, that even if these charges were true, the fact would form no good ob- 
jection to abolition itself; because good causes may be supported from bad motives; though it is 
not to be supposed they often arc; the nature of every cause of the 

motives by which it is supported. The merits of every institution, enterprise 6i cause. 
tirely distinct and independent, from the motives of those who support it. maybe 

good and tho other bad ; though if the one be good, the other without pi oof to the contrary, will 
be presumed good also; and vice versa. Perhaps every goo! cause lias had some bad c 



105 

pnliet-d iu its support ; because men SB from aver) v 

2%, in I e New Testament, where St Paul rejoiced, that the gwpel wa. prop , 

Vo n bad fcotives, (Phil, i 15-18;) for - gh he d. tested the motives, h uld bu lejoie., 

good waafrought out of evil. And ihus if abolition be right, bad motives ca nno make t J 
^ Ed we ought to rejoice, at any good affects they ft ij prpdu :e. The honest inquirj • 

ia abolition itself right; and not what are tho motives of its supporters; though we ought 
"emn thorn if bad. But as already remarked, since abolitjon is Us, If good, w.thout some 
of the feet, abolitionists ought not even to be suspected of 1 . . 

Hut tho utter falsity of these! base charges may be easily proven. Treason, tof ma ance, is in 
legal acceptation, a betraying of one's country to its enemies, by the < • ' | n ? 

laws, provided for the punishment of the mime of treason. It has nevei been pr< tend. .. much 
less attempted to be proved, that the abolitionists as such, have ever committed Li 
sense. They are at least not legal 'traitors.' 15, u men may commit moral or political tnui 
many ways, without incurring the penalties of the laws, of then respei live.co intriee. All, tor in 
stance, who introduce, propagate and encourage, vicious habits and i i stomsj ll al I 
ralize, degrade and weaken their country, are moral and political ti ■" Mdiieniij 

more mischievous than legal ones. They are a very numerous class ; and history abouna 
accounts of thorn ; and the woild is as full of them now as it ever was. All tyrants are irairors 
of this class ; and slaveholders most of all. Sq are all legislators who make bad, arbitrary, t\ - 
rannical, oppressive and vexatious laws. The highest ranks of society, abound with itiem i men 
being in general wicked, in proportion to their elevation in the scale ,1 society. M all men , n 
the United States, slaveholders are as a class, the greatest moral and political ti 
country. They have done more than' all other classes put together, I M"' 

weaken, demoralize, degrade and ruin their country. They ai 
tors; and those who support them in their slave rights and practices, are of I 
A moral and political patriot on the other hand, is one who endeavors to support, 
and happify his country, not only by means ofjust laws, pustoms and measures, but by atl 
fng aud destroying bad jaws, customs, institutions, practices . In this ti 

correct sense, "the American abolitionists, are a band of genuine i 
country, from the certain ruin impending over it, from the insidious agency 
of slavery. But every real patriot, is a traitor to tyranny and vice. He con'. : • I K,,r ^ 

ot unless he were. En this sense, abolition may truly be. Baidj to be mora! ti 
and of course, the abolition 'traitors' wlio propagate "it. 

Henry, yield 'obedience to God.' Aud that tltfy actually do so, no honest well informe 
son will doubt. No persons ever gave stronger proofs than they, of their ardlnl ; 
devotion to tire Hue good of their country. A real friend to his country is one, v 
to promote its safety and prosperity, by the use of just and honest means : and by removing 
whatever prevents such safety and prosperity, by tha use of the same means. On tho other hand, 
a real enemy to his country is one, who endeavors to expose it to danger and nun, by tinj 
Wicked means; and by nourishing aud protecting, the causes of su, I ' ll;m - "."' "» c 

same means. A friend to slavery can never be a true friend to his country ; because slav 
the greatest curse, to every country that harbors it. Tried by these unerring rules, tho abolitioi 
Jsts aro readily distinguished, us the only real friends, and their opposes us the only re 
biies of their country. 

A fanatic is one whose conduct is wild, irregular and inconsistent; and sometimes vicious, 
cruel and ferocious, in consequences of the adoption, of false and em pics, which are 

frequently united, with wicked aud destructive pmc/iecs. This is an exact delineatioi . 
character of slaveholders and other corruptionists, who are in general, all real fanatics. Cut un- 
til it can be proven, that the principles of the abolitioni luet wlck 
and destructive of happiness, it is false to charge them with 'farifeicism.' Until I 
would be as false to call our Saviour, til 

tocall the abolitionists such. Sharpe, Clark Wijberforce, and the otlier leai ■ 

bolitionists, weio called 'fanatics,' . ■ . by their enemj feara < i moro ; wbiU 

all that time, those very enemies were tho only real fanatics engaged in the contest. 1 he pla i 

proof of their fanaticism appeared ii ids and false predictions, they oontinually 

ed respecting abolition; such for instance as that, 'abolition would d 

blood und carnage,' that it would 'ruin the commerce of the British empire,' &o.; exhi 

the same time, the most ferocious and wicked conduct; while the abolitionists, 

from all fanatical delusion or deception, spoke nothing but words of 'truth and soberness. So 

men who like our slaveholders, advocate liberty abroad and oppose it at bom r,n g t,!i 

rights and happiness id" foreigners to those of iiieir own countrymen, are not only hypocrites. 

but fanatics. None perhaps tire sp apt, to pharge 'fanatacistn' and tho like on others, i - 

who aro the most guilty of them. Such false i hat ;es are a common policy, of all real 

and corruptionists, in order to cast odium on the for the same n " :a ' '"" 

cendiary, is generally the first to cry 'fire,' or the thief to cry 

picion and avoid detection. It is an old trick ol Luke xxiii 2, 



106 

13, svi 20, Jtyii 6, ' , xxi 28, xxiv 5, 2d Tet. ii 12, 15. And the evidunce of tho trick is, that 
they never offer any proof, of the truth of their scandalous charges ; simply because they never 
have any to offer. And the proof is also clear, that the enemies of abolition are all real fanatics. 
For their anti-abolition principles and practice are in tho highest degree false, erroneous, blas- 
phemous and wicked, as has been demonstrated a thousand times over. As was remarked in 
the First Lecture, they have not been able to move against abolition, without committing sins of 
some kind; without the use of scurrility, sophistry, falsehood, unlawful fanatical violence, and 
other wicked means. Neither have they been able, to practice or defend slavery a moment, 
without the use of the same means. They are therefore alrreal fanatics: as the Jews who per- 
secuted the christians were ; and as all other opposers of the truth and righteousness have been ; 
and for the same reason^ namely, the falsity and wickedness of their principles and practice. 

None but real fanatics ever make and persist in false charges. And as a specimen of genuine 
fanaticism, I will quote the false and slanderous charge, so currently made against the abolition- 
ists, ofi?istigating mobs and mob violence and outrage. For when and where I ask, have the 
abolitionists ever aided, abetted, advised, encouraged or practised mob violence ; or given the 
least just provocation for it ! The evidence is notoriously the other way. The abolitionists are 
emphatically men of peace, and lovers of good law and order; so much so, that they have sel- 
dom used, even defensive force against unlawful violence; although the laws permitted it; choo- 
sing according to the Divino precept, 'to suffer rather than do wrong.' That their lawful acts and 
measures, have been made the occasion, or wicked pretext, of mob violence, does not prove such 
occasion or pretext, to have been just or reasonable; or that those acts and measures were unjust, 
unlawful or improper. For if it did, the most innocent and meritorious acts that righteous met; 
can perform, may at any time be perverted by wicked men, into just 'causes' of violence and 
outrage ! Nay, any pretence that any criminal at the bar may set up, is a good defence for him ! 
The truth is, no acts of righteousness, justice, mercy or duty, no good and lawful deods whatev- 
er, can justly be tortured or perverted, into justifications of crime; for how can any virtue, justi- 
fy its opposite, or any other vice? And it is certain, that tho abolitionists as such, have never 
performed any but such acts and deeds. And to use them as a pretext for crime, only increases 
the guilt and enormity of the crime; vide Matt, xxiii 31, 32, 35, and many other passages. The 
abolitionists have done nothing more, than proclaim the 'truth in rightoousuess'; which cannot 
be a just provocation to crime; because all men are specially commanded by the Almighty, to 
make such proclamation every where"; vide Isa. lviii 1, and other passages. They have done, 
jtist as our Saviour and his followers did before them. This is the 'provocation,' and the only 
provocation, tho abolitionists have given for mob violence and outrage. The charge that thty 
have instigated, or caused mobs, &c., is therefore a false and 'fanatical' charge. 

A righteous zeal for the truth and righteousness, is not 'fanaticism'; and none but real fanatics 
will ever call it such. Tho test of any kind of real is its fruits. A fanatical zeal always produ- 
ces bad fruits, or effects and consequences. But if these fruits be righteousness, justice, peace, 
prosperity, and every other good effect, as all abolition fruits are, it is a righteous and holy zeal ; 
and as such ought to bo cultivated and improved, till all its holy and happy effects appear. Per- 
severance in such zeal is a plain christian duty; vide Ps. Ixix 9, Matt x 22, xxiv 13, 1st Cor. 
xiii 7j xv 58, 2d Cor. vii 11, ix 2, Eph. ii 10, Tit. ii 14, iii 8, Heb. vi 15, and numerous other 
passages. The false imputation, to such zeal therefore, of fanaticism, and other wickedness 
with a design to discourage and allay it, is conduct highly 'fanatical,' blasphemous and criminal. 
So i-s likewise tho false charge, of 'hard language'; or the calling of crimes like slaveholding, by 
their right names, such as 'manstcaliug,' 'robbery,' &c. as the Bible always does ; such conduct 
being plain scriptural duty. It is the right and proper VSt of language, by the abolitionists, in 
reference to slavery, and not their abuse of it, that enrages the enemies of righteousness in this 
country. It is never an 'abu3o' of language, to call things by their right names. 

A disorganize is one, who violates good laws and customs, and produces unlawful vi- 
olence and disorder, forbad purposes. The enemies of abolition are all real 'disorganize^'; for 
as lias been remarked, they have frequently broken the just laws of God and man, for the wick- 
ed purpose of defeating the righteous work of abolition. But the abolitionists have violated no 
just laws. Tnoy have been emphatically law abiding people. Nor are they justly obnoxious to 
tho charge of treason, either legal or moral. Their ultimate object is, to prevent rebellion and a 
dissolution of tho union, by removing the only real cause, that threatens those calamities— slave- 
ry. But many of their enemies are justly obnoxious to the charge ; because they actually threat- 
en treason ; and because they support slavery, a practise that finally 'disorganizes' and ruins ev- 
ery country that tolerates it. They threaten to dissolve tho union, if the abolitionists are not si- 
lencod; which is a treasonable threat. The abolitionists have used no such threat; 

nor have they given any body else, any just provocation to use it, unless works of righteous- 
ness, performed in a just and legal manner, are such a provocation 1 Nor is there the least dan- 
ger of treason from any body, except the slaveholders and their supporters; nor probably of any 
but threatened treason, even from them ; as will be explained hereafter. 

So the abolitionists have been charged by their enemies, with want of patriotism : the moan- 
ing of which is, a want of acquiescence and zeai in the support of slavery, and other abominu 



It.'-, 

bans that diigraoc and ruin the country. Patriotism whs formerly considered as seal for liberty. 
But in republican Amo/tca, tho rule is by many reversed ; and patriotism' with them, rnoani 
zeal fur tho support of slavery ! Beautiful 'patriots' theso, who contend for liberty abroad, and 
fight for slavery at home.' Admirable 'democrats' those, who approbnte such conduct ! Truo 
it is, that the abolitionists do not profess, thai kind of 'patriotism,' which supports, tolerates or 
connives at slavery. Nor do they love tho vices and criinos of their country. They could not 
be real patriots, and would be traitors to its best interests, if they did. And because they hata 
and oppose and expose, those vices and crimes faithfully, they are tho only true and faithful 
friends the country has. A real enemy, a trail»r, would foster and encourage those evils; ss 
the slaveholders and their supporters actually do; to the ruin of the country. A person who l>> 
righteous and peaceful reformation, endeavors to save his country from ruin, is a true patriot; 
and those who oppose such reforms, as tho slaveholders and their friends do, are tho real enu 
mies of their country. They are the only citizens who lack truo patriotism. 

' So the colored people have been falsely chaigcd, with want of love to their native country ; — 
and by persons who have dona every thing in their power, to cause them to hate it. Were thn 
eharge truo, tho white people have no right to make it; For who bul tllemselvesjhave caused 
this wantf Criminals have no right, to charge the effects of their own crime-, on their victims; 
though nothing is more common than for them to do it. But the charge is not truo. Tho lovo 
of country is instinctive ; and though we may well suppose, that the colored people do not lovo 
tho oppressions of their native land; yet notwithstanding all the abuse and cruelty they have 
aonslantly endured, their conduct, belli in peace and war, has proven, that their love for their 
most unnatural and barbarous parent, is yet as strong as that of other natives. The Htm 
grce of oppression and wrong, has not boon able entirely to extinguish it. The charge is falsely 
directed. It is their enemies and not they, that lack real patriotic 'love' for their COUl 

Many preach and practice the doctrine, of contentment, with the lav ' 'utiom 

of one's country, be the same good or b id, 'right or wrong'; and call such conduct 'patriotism.' 

Such preachers ought never to attempt, to produce discontent, among the subjects of other coun- 
tries. Nor ought they ever to attempt reforms in such countries, even from infidelity or heath- 
enism ; for the subjects of those countries, in order to bo 'patriots,' ought to be 'contented, ' with 
their own laws and customs, however wicked and destructive they may beH Notwithstanding 
the ekpress commands of God to the contrary, they ought to violate or negli manda, 

by refusing to reform customary sins; because they cannot be patriots unless they do! Sueh n 
the blasphemous nature, of this kind of 'patriotism,' so common in all parts of the 1 
With those who practice it, none but 'vicars of Bray' can be real 'p ilr'tots.' But I do not know 
of a more vicious and dangerous heresy; for if enough of its professors can bo found, demo 
gogues and other corruptionists, might ruin a country at any time. It is also high! 
ous ; for the effect cf it is, to charge the Saviour and all his followers, with waul of patriotism ; 
and to justify neglect and disobedience to the Divine commands! It is by the patriotic 
discontented men only, that the moral corruptions of countries have been reformed, and their li- 
berties, rights and independence thus preserved. ft was their discontentment, that ha 
made mon distinguished patriots. Contented acquiescence in the corruptions of a country, is 
the strongest mark of national moral corruption; not only from the light of Nature but oi 
ture; vide Isa. v 18-24, Eze, xii 27, IIos. vi 9. Amos vi 1, .'?, &c. Tho 'contentment' of rob- 
bers, pirates, assassins, and other criminals in their vocations, is not a stronger proof of moral 
degeneracy and corruption. Still corruptionists of this kind abound, to stigmatize and denounce 
alias bad citizens who seem uneasy and indignant, at the corruptions, oppressions and abuses, 
they witness. The very same conduct, that has formerly made so many famous patriots, i 
makes men traitors and had citizens ! So much have our national corruptions, perverted the na- 
tional sentiment! Aristocrats always preach this doctrine, of COrrUj 

to hold up reformers to public odium; and to shield and protect their own u Vod if 

those only are patriots, who arc satisfied with the existing corrupt institutions, ru.-toms and op- 
pressions, of their respective countries, and those only traitors who ara not: then are aristocrats, 
oppressors, and other tyrants and their tools, the only true patriots; ami all relorniers traitors. 
Then wore George 3d, and the tories patriots, and Washington, franklin, and the other revolu- 
tionary whigs, traitors. Then were tho I'ope and his I -. tnd Luther and bis 
ates, traitors. Nay, then wore the Scribes and Pharisi ee, the Sanhedrim and the Rom in : 
eminent, patriots; and the Saviour, the prophets, apostles, martyrs, and other reformers since, 
all traitors ! The absurd and blasphemous consequences of tiic doctrine, 
dangerous tendency clearly. 

1 observed in the First Lecture, that t! reel us to ju Ig irts 01 

y their fruits or actidns; and that such is tho rule v\' tho common law. In the light of 
this only correct rule, no motives, can be better than thos 
or actions can be better than their?. This fact shows, that all I the bas 
brought againstabolitionists, must necessarily be false charges; f,, r ih 
common imperfections, as must necessarily attend eery human en- 

I may bo in itself; but of tho foulest - 



108 

q| I lie same, rule, to the conduct of their enemies will show, that the same charges are applicable, 
ami only justly applicable, to tkem. Test characters by conduct, (the only true and gure test,) 
and the justice of these applications will clearly appear. 

The charges of sectarianism and party designs, are equally groundless and false. The dispo 
sition to raise false and trifling objections, to measures of salutary reform, is a strong sign of mo- 
ral corruption ; being good evidence of a wicked disposition to raise criminal opposition to the 
truth, on fictitious grounds and false pretences. Yet strange as it may seem, they are frequently 
raised, by the loudest pretenders to republican virtue, fair opposition, free discussion, &c. These 
same objections were raised, against the temperance and other reformations. And it should bo 
constantly borne in mind, that those who make these charges, never offer to prove them. 1 have 
known some opposers, who for want of proof, alleged as such, to support the charge of 'sectari- 
anism,' that presbyterians meddled with abolition. But these pretenders never undertake, tq 
show any connexion between abolition and the sector ianisin of presbyterians ; for in truth there 
is none ; any more than there is between abolition and the peculiar tenets o( any other sect. — 
Between Christianity and. abolition there is the closest connexion; the latter being a plain and 
most important doctiir.o of the former; as was shewn in the First Lecture. But abolition has 
not the slightest connexion, with the peculiar or sectarian tenets, of any christian sect that I 
know of; no mors than the doctrines of the Creation, the Fall of Man, or any other great leading 
doctrines, in which all tho sects agree, are- The doctrine of immediate abolition, belongs to all 
the sects in common; and has therefore nothing sectarian in its nature. Certainly they ought to 
hold the great doctrine of the Abolition of Human Oppression, in common ; and were any sect 
to reject it, such rejection would be sufficient proof cl its reprobation ; vide Jer. vi 14, xxiii 15* 
17, Zcch. xiii 3, Mai. iii 5, Matt, vii 21-23, xxi 13, Rom- i 18, ii 23, Col. iii 25, Rev. xviii 13, 
and numerous other passages. If any sect do not hold this doctrine, it is a reprobate sect ; and 
Cud will disown it. But if the objectors mean to be understood, that every thing presbyterians 
or other sectarians do, is done with reference to sectarian effect, and to promote sectarian influ- 
ence, then all sectarians must stop working and eating and drinking, to please such reasonable 
objectors! Presbyterians and other sectarians, work in all planner of lawful and honest em- 
ployments; but is there any thing sectarian in these employments; in farming, blacksmithing, 
and tailoring, for instance! And is a man to be justly suspected of party deigns, because ho or 
his sect follows them ! Yet such foolery is just as reasonable, as the ascription of such objects, 
to abolition action. The whole of these employments may be used Tor sectarian or parly effect ; 
but honest men are not to be suspected of such use, without some proof of it. A person who 
favors abolition, is prima facie to be suspected of Christianity, I admit; but not of sectarianism. — 
Besides, what shall be said of infidel abolitionists, and of that class of abolitionists, who pretend 
to believe in Christianity, but embrace it not by public piofession? Are these also to be suspect- 
ed ? Are these also to be suspected of sectarian designs ! And are the presbyterians more fo ha 
suspected, than the quakers and the covenanters and seceders, who are said to be all abolition- 
ists ? And why are not the other sects jealous of the presbyterians? And how easily might 
they, ifthoy are really jealous, that the presbyterians will forestal the sectarian market, by means 
of abolition, anticipate and frustrate their intention, by turning abolitionists themselves! And 
hoic easily may all other objectors do the samel Who hinders them from so doing? They ought 
to know, that there are more ways than one, to check sectarianism, without the use of falsehood 
lor that purpose. Furthermore, no sect is to be suspected, on account of its attachment to abo- 
lition ; because the abolition project has the greatest anfi-sectarian influence, of any benevolent 
enterprise, ever undertaken in this countiy. This effect can plainly be observed, in abolition as- 
semblies. "During the whole time of their sessions, it 6eems to unite the sentiments of all tho 
religions secte present, into one religious feeling. As abolitionists, they are 'all of one accord," 
all brother christians together. They are a'! agreed, in the duty of the immediate abolition of 
slavery ; and of their high obligation to labor for it ; a circumstanca that leaves it to be hoped, 
they will become united, against other abominations in the land. The reason why so large a 
proportion of the abolitionists are professors of religion, is because the cause takes fast hold of 
their consciences; which are generally more enlightened than those of their neighbors. They 
are convicted ofthe sinfulness of slavery. Men become abolitionists, exactly in proportion, a? 
they aro conscientious enlightened christians. And it is extremely difficult fur me to comprehend, 
how a real beliover in Christianity, can bo other than an abolitionist; so exceedingly plain and 
clear do I view to be, the Bible doctrine of the sinfulness of slavery. 

As to tho political bearings of abolition ; it is clearly true, that it is a political as well as religi- 
ous onterpriso. Slavery cannot be directly abolished, without political action, any more than 
murder and other crimes can ; the enactment of laws being a species of political action. And 
this kind of 'political action' must bo right, if the abolition of slavery is right; because it must be 
right, to exercise political as well as moral action, to establish justice and righteousness. Be- 
sides, every kind of moral and religious agency in the world, must neccssaiily have seme poliii- 
cal agency, bearing or influence. All modes of such agency known, such as Christianity, reli- 
gion, freemasonry, sectarianism, ipfidelity, &c. Ac necessarily must and do have sr>roe such 
tendency. All these various matters must and will, in a variety of ways, affect even party jiol- 



16? 

uies, and carry an indirect if not direct influence to the poll*. Rut must nil benevolent enlerprl 
B8 bo suspended &. abandoned, on account of this tendency in them ! Musi vice, licentiousness, 
■I a very and other corruption!", he sutlered to exist unheeded and unchecked, because apposition 
to them may assume a political aspect] or have a political hearing I Must christian duty he ne- 
glected, christian morulity never bo preached, sin never ho rebuked, and (jod's commands be 
disobeyed, because obedience to them may affect the polls ! Surely the objectors cannot insist 
on the adoption of such ridiculous absurdities, tor such blasphemous reasons. 

Political means* are good in themselves, for they have been provtd to be such. (1st These, v 
21,) though they are often shamefully abused for bad purposes ; and those who use them pro- 
perly, for any good purposes, are co far commendable ; and nothing ought ever to deti I 
eat and good men from using them for all good, just and righteous purposes, to the promotion 
of which they are applicable. Especially when knave." combine, in the use or rather abuse of 
them, for the support of injustice and oppression, ought honest men to counteract such abuse, 
by the righteous use of the same means. Every kind of political means is resorted to-, for 
the support of slavery, and the hindrance of its abolition ; and yet the friends of the letter can- 
not resort, to the use of the same mean?, to resist and counteract this corruption, without 
beiug told, that 'slavery is a political tiling with which they have nothing to do ;' just as it 
righteousness ought not to be supported at the polls ! '1 he political as well as other oppo- 
Fers of abolition, are all real defenders of slavery ; and all their sophl t • il denials and dis- 
claimers, cannot refute the charge ; because such is the effect of their opposition ; and they 
know it. 11 a fortress is besieged, those who attack lbs besieging army, whether from with- 
in or without, do so, for the sake of defending and preserving the fortress ; just as the oppoeers 
of abolition attack it, to preserve slavery. And as they abuse good means for this wick' d 
purpose ; as they, for instance, support sin at the polls ; why ^s it not right for their antagon- 
ists, to use the same means, to resist their iniquitous intentions? If it be wrong- to support 
tin (slavery) at the polls, it must be right to support righteousness (abolition) there. \\ • 
are expressly commanded to 'hold fas!,' to r.H things 'proven to be good'; or in other words, 
to use them for good purposes. Let not then abolitionists be deceived, by the sophistical cun- 
ning of unprincipled demagogues, who woutJ try to persuade their simplicity, that it is only 
agreeable to 'republican principles' and 'democratic usages,' to support sin at the polls, but not 
righteousness ; and that none but themselves and others like them, engaged in the scramble 
for ofiiei.il power, patronage and profit, ought to direct what principles, measures and men, 
shall be supported, at the polls ! The truth is, every good object ought to be supported, and 
every bad one attacked there ; and those who advocate their respective objects, ought to share 
their fate at the polls, as well as elsewhere. Let abolitionists understaiid*these Divine princi- 
ples well, and practiee them at the polls ; for their own safety, as well as duty, requires it.— 
.\'o political object can be belter than the overthrow of slavery ; nor can a better motive impel 
men to political action ; nor was such action ever more necessary or proper in any othei 
good cause. Yet many supporters of slavery persist in asserting, thai public office, patron- 
age, power and profit, are designed as the great end, instead of a subotdinatc means, el politi- 
cal action, in the i. r reat anti-slavery contest. Without the shadow of evidence or the offer of 
any, to support the charge, they represent these as the principal objects of ali the anti-slavery 
exertions and sacrifices now making. And the very persons who make the false cha . 
generally among the most active political opposers of abolition ! This stale falsehood is how- 
ever now so threadbare, as not to work material injury to the righteous cai 

Besides, who can support candidates for office that are advocates of slavery, without sup- 
porting sin at the polls ? I put this inquiry to all readers ; but make a particular reference of 
it to abolitionists; to persons who profess to be fully sensible of the wickedness of si 
and of the righteousness of its abolition. Every bad principle, practice, doctrine, custom, "r 
candidate for olfice, ought to opposed every where ; and will he thus opposed by honest men ; 
and as well at the polls as elsewhere. And how can any supporter of slavery, either directly 
or indirectly, be thus far, any thing else but a bad man ? His principles and motives must be 
bad, if slavery is bad and its abolition good. ;Iow then can any enlightened nbohtionisi sup- 
port him at the polls ; especially for any legislative office, without eommitting sin ? I confess 
J do not &ec how. I make this close and searching reference, in order to induce f r^.fcrscd a- 



L10 

fcohliotiisU. to act cgnsiitently with their owh professed principles ; and aa well at tb? polls la* 
elsewhere. 

But the charge of flirty political designs, for mere party purposes, made, 
tionists is contemptibly false. That the a'oolition project 19 deslincd to have •.> 
vhienceat the polls, there can be no doubt. Its enemies have already driven it thither, in it« 
own self defence; and were not this the fact, its own righteous merits, entitle it to such in 
fiuence. Never was a righteous project more deserving of political, as well as other just sup- 
port. So great an enterprise also, must be expected to have this necessary effect. Its indi- 
rect political effect, is already considerable, and evidently increasing. But we need not argue 
its political or moral merits again, to secure its political favor. Its enemies have already driv- 
en it to the polls. They have directly used political power, to crush the cause if possible. — 
The treatment also which the abolitionists have received, 1'fom the national and several state 
legislatures, in the contemptuous and unconstitutional rejection of thuir petitions, as well as 0- 
ther legislative insult and abuse, have produced the necessity, of a stern and determined re- 
aort to the polls, as the only redress for such gross outrages, on their constitutional rights. — 
But it is presumed, that nothing like an abolition 'party' in politics, by that or any similar 
name, will over be organized in this country, unless the enemies of abolition, produce the ne- 
cessity for it. An antiabolitio.i party in polities, might raise an abolition party. But the a- 
bolitionists as such, have never designed to form a separate political party, for party as well as 
other purposes, as the antimasons did. They have adopted as they believe, a far wiser and 
better policy. They design to abolitiouiae all the existing parties in the country, to such a 
degree, that each shall be equally interested, to nominate and elect abolition candidates for 
office, so far as maybe necessary to abolish slavery ; but no farther. As abolitioni.-ts, (hey will 
vote without reference to party or party spirit, except for lliis one purpose. And as soon as 
:his purposo is accomplished ; as soon as shivery is totally abolished, all the abolition socie- 
ties and combinations will be dissolved, and abolition efforts and sacrifices ended. No con- 
duct can be more just, fair and honorable, towards all the parties in the country, than this 
course of political action. Tor one consequence of it will be, that no party will have any rea- 
son to complain of any body, unless it be of itself. Nothing at the same time can be more po- 
litic For as soon as it becomes for the interest of every party, (as this policy will soon make 
it,) to elect abolition candidates, for the sake of abolition, slavery will soon be abolished. Could 
this pohey have free and unrestrained operation, in each of the stales, slavery could not resist 
it five years, in any of them ! Slavery cannot endure its free 'agitation,' in any way ; and 
less in this than in most ways. The free battery of the 'polls' would soon level it to the 
grou&d. Considerable time must elapse, before a political abolition interest can be permanent- 
ly established ; but it will at length succeed ; and then will commence the legal downfall of 
slavery. Its moral downfall will lead the way to its political j and the latter to its legal 
downfall. A comparatively short period, will then only be necessary, for its total annihilation. 
1 have been anxious, to have the political designs of the abolitionists, correctly understood, so 
far as I am acquainted with them, because such unwearied pains aro taken by their unprinci- 
pled enemies, to mislead the public in regard to them. I have before stated, that we ought 
to use all just, legal, peaceable and christian means, for the overthrow of slavery. And I 
know of none more justly entitled to be called such, than the political measures and policy 
just detailed. 

To a well informed and conscientious abolitionist, most of the great objects of political con- 
troversy in this country, will appear insignificant, in comparison of the gnat and righteous^ 
measure of the a'oolition of American slavery. I make this remark here, in order to induce 
6iich persons, to a:t, consistently with such views and feelings, »\ the polls. Where all the 
candidates are favorable to the great cause, and will act in its favor, in their official capacity, 
such persons may then consistently indulge their respective party predilections. But wbeio 
some of the candidates are favorable a;.d others are not, they ought in every case, to vote for 
the former; without reference to party or party spirit. Otherwise they will act contra- 
rv to the dictated of an enlightened conscion'ce. and therefore have raasou to fear that they 



II! 
^■ 
iiavo made a Binl'ul preference of nun and measure*. Nona of the ordinary okjei I 6 
strife, have any Scriptural authority or Divine obligation, in - theubolition ol Hu- 

man Oppression. And the Law of Nature demonstrated by human experience, corroborates 
the same doctrine. Every political object ougbt to be supported according to its Divine Im 
portance. Let tha enemies of Human Oppression bewuro [hen, bow lhay ain anumst Difioa 
H.olir and knowledge, by a preferenee at tlio polls, of political obj u I importance in 

comparison of abolition. 

And it is worthy of rj ,:.iuk all : 'nat rwoet oppoaers exclaim against introducing aboln. 
to politics; but not colonization. Political and legislative action have both b<*n resorted to, 
for the benefit of the latto; ; and a > et eagerly resorted to, without an* complain! from the 
enemies of abolition. Slaver} too ia a polnical institution ; and has always bei a bu| ported by 
political means, of every description; and is now supported, both directly and indirectly, at 
the polls. Yet this is never made any objection to it. Dm if its abolition be propi Bed to be 
supported, by the same means, tjje case is entirely altered. The demagogue clamor of 'union 
of church and state,' 'dissolution of the union,' 'meddling with none of our business,' &c. u 
instantly raised ; the meaning of which is, thut it is right to support tin at the polls, but not its 
opposite righteousness ! This is the political morality and 'democracy,' of the enemies of 
abolition 1 

But the strangest part of the subject is, thai no fault is ever found, by these sciupnloiis and 
conscientious objectors, with the avowed motives of slaveholders and others, for their viola 
tions of the constitution, and threats of dissolving the union,— vide Piov.xx.iu 4. They have 
the strongest solicitude about the motives of abolitionists ; but none at all about those of mm 
stealers ! And such motives too ! Think of this ; exhortations to repentance and trcrks of right- 
eousness, set up as an apology (or threats of treason ! Obeiience to the commands of God, offt r- 
ed as the only motive, for tha most flagrant violations of constitutional and Divine rights, by 
the greatest of crimes ! Peaceable, lawful and christian efforts, to abolish wicked custom*, made 
the only treasonable pretext, for dissolving the union ; fur the slaveholders threaten this trea- 
son, simply because the abolitionists will obey the commands of God! Taking the part oj the 
poor, the needy, the afflicttd, the oppressed, and those 'that hare no helper," made the meritorious 
cause of tyranny and treason both ! Proclaiming the whole gospel, for the benefit of our counti-y- 
men, involved in heathenish ignerrance and darkness, made the sole motive for treating thim, tho' 
entirely innocent e>f the accusation, with still greater severity ! Most, criminals, whenever they 
attempt to justify or excuse their crimes, commonly pretend, to injuries received from their vic- 
tims. They merely endeavor to show, that they have only returned evil for evil. But the 
slaveholders with an effrontery, which nothing but lives spent in crime could produce, make a 
merit of returning, the greatest evil for the greatest good ! That the slaveholders are wicked 
enough, to commit treason or any other crime, if they dared, is manifest on their own show- 
ing. But it requires the utmost hardihood in crime, to avow such motives for it. Very seldom 
do the greatest criminals exhibit such hardihood. The slaveholders may well boast, of having 
reached the highest degree of perfection in wickedness. But their sympathising admirers in 
the northern states, can see nothing in tuch motives, but 'high pooled honor, 1 'nobleness, 1 
'southern generosity,' 'chivalry,' &<:. I ! They never think ol* imputing any thing crm.ina: 
to these motives ! 



14th Obj. — Amalgamation. 



Multitudes of white people manifest the strongest protended abhorrence, at the imaginary 
prospect, of a legal amalgamation of color, between the white and black racex, as the conse- 
quence of abolition, who never yet showed the slightest uneasiness, on account of the mons- 
trous Ulegal amalgamation, that has constantly prevailed in the slave slates. More than balf 
the slaves it is said, share the blood and color of the whites ; yet these alarmists ( ver havi m. 
ti! lately, been perfectly satisfied with the abominable process, which prnduced the mixture. — 
Of legal amalgamation they have the utmost horror ; in il!<?ra! compulsory arnilgamation, the 



u*2 

Utaiast complacency' ! Slavo amalgamation they love ; free amalgamation they dread and ab- 
hor ! Tliey have been perfectly composed, over (he universal concubinage of the slaves, thu 
compulsory prostitution of colored females, and the other pollutions and horrors of slavery. — 
But if the honest marriage of the whites and blacks be spoken of, their alarm is roused to tha 
highest pitch. It is such marriage, and not amalgamation, that these patriots fear ; for* they 
have no objections to the latter, provided it be the result of adultery and fornication and not 
of marriage ! ! Nay, many who have practiced amalgamation the most, now scern lo be Uio 
most afraid of it ! They fear the general prevalence of a practice, which they themselves fol. 
low and support ! Even slaveholders and other southern whites, through whose licentious and 
tyrannical agency, the southern states have been stocked with mulatto slaves, now pretend to 
be horribly afraid of amalgamation ; and their virtuous northern apologists and admirers share 
the panic. Their virtuous northern advocates, who have always looked complacently and ap- 
provingly, on the amalgamating abominations of the south, aie now filled with consternation, 
at the same alarming prospect! They well know, that slavery has a hundred foid the tenden- 
cy, to produce amalgamation, that liberty has ; yet these pinks of moral purity and consisten- 
cy, who never did nor ever will fear that e(Tec{, from the former, pretend ro be horrified at the 
prospect of it, from the latter cause. They are extremely dnxious for tho preservation of sia. 
very, the principal guilty cause ol the much feared evil , and equally anxious to prevent its abo- 
lition, which will do more than any thing else, to prevent the evil feared ! .Such a corrupt 
and degraded sta'o of public sentiment, i3 a greater shame and disgrafce to this country, than 
any degree of legal amalgamation possibly can be. 

In most parts of the slave states, the licentiousness of the white males is nearly universal \ 
most of them living in habits of sexual intercourse with female slaves ; and the greatest solici- 
tude is often manifested, to have the 'breeding wenches,' as they are called, (many of whom 
are the offspring of the slaveholders,) produce mulatto children ; mulattoes being generally thi 
most marketable slaves. As much solicitude IS felt on this important point, a? is frit respect- 
ing the breeding of brute females ; and for the same reason, namely, to increase the value of 
the marketable slave stock. The female increase of this beastly process, reared for purposes 
of prostitution, frequently command extravagant prices ; and a regular market for this infer- 
nal purpose, is held at New Oileans and other places. This brutal process is carried on with 
very little concealment ; and is openly udmitted and boasted of, by the traffickers in human 
flesh and happiness. The colored women being without any protection, are obliged to submit 
to this hellish treatment without murmuring ; and they are punished with the most barbarous 
cruelly, if they resist or resent it. Yet many opposers of abolition at the north, with a full 
knowledge of these abominations, profess to be horrified at the prospect of the former, thr»u«\ 
fear of amalgamation ! ! ! 

Ainl it is curious to hear theso corruplionieta contradict themsolvea. They pretend there l.i 
so strong a natural antipathy between the two races, that the white cannot, respect the lights 
of the black raco ; and yet they fear their amalgamation ! They say, this dislike and repug- 
narise is so great, that they never can amalgamate , and yet that they inevitably will amalga- 
mate, if the blacks are allowed equal rights ! According to their declarations, they have no 
more reason to fear an amalgamation of fire and water, than of the whites and blacks, under 
any circumstances ; and yet contrary to reason of their own showing, they pretend lo fear it .' 
The contemptible hypocrisy of this pretended fear, is plain and evident. Had it been real, 
the alarm would have been sounded long ago. The fact that no such alarm was ever heard 
of, at tho forced amalgamation rapidly progressing in the slave states, to a prodigious extent, 
during the period of one hundred and fifty years, so long as the offspring of that amalgamation 
were securely enslaved, leads us to presume, that no such alarm would ever have been raised, if 
the liberty and rights of the slaves had not been agitated. The beastly process of southern slave 
amalgamation, might have gono on, till there was not a drop of pure white blood left in the 
slave states, and not one of the present amalgamation alarmists would have murmured ; be- 
cause they love amalgamation for its own sake, provided it is united with slavery ! The cus- 
tomary ravishment and prostitution ol colored women, in those rUtt^, might have progressed 



113 

to the end of time ; and had not the enslaved condition of these women, and iheii 
disturbed, not one of these reprobates would have objected, These facti ia not 

any mixture of blood ; hat freedom, that these corruplionisls fear. They fear an amalgamation 
of liberty and rights ; not that of color. 

The morality of the objection is thia. That on account of the apprehended probability, of a 
email additional amount of amalgamation, in the free states, in case of a general emancipa- 
tion, we ought to consent to the perpetuity, of the bloody Byatem ol Blavery in the sla\e 
states, though God has comma-tided us to attack and abolish it ; that is, that wc ought ' 
fer and support a real evil, of the greatest magnitude and most dangerous tendency, in order 
to prevent an imaginary evil, of trifling importance, even il it were real, though we violate the 
commands of God thereby ; and further, that people ought to remain deprivod of all the lights 
which God has given them, for fear they may offend tho taste of other people, (and 
they do not violate His Law by 6uch offence,) if those rights are restored to them, as God 
has commanded ! ! This is the moral consistency, of the amalgamation objectors to abolition. 
And if this be not 'straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel,' what is? And is sue! 
ality' consistent with the profession of genuine democracy and Christianity ? Surely it 1 
unless the basest hypocrisy is consistent with them. 

So, many pretend, that the free blacks arc a cuise to the country ; who woul 
said so, if their presence did not disturb the rrpo&c of slavery. Man}, if not all these pre: i 
well know, that the great mass of the slaveholders, have no intention of parting with their 
slaves. It is the 'free' blacks only they wish to be rid of. And to get rid of them, they havo 
provided Liberia, as a 'drain' to the free negroes, for the purpose of securing slavery and amalga- 
mation at home. They consider the presence of slaves here, and their necessary amalgamation, 
a 'practical blessing'; as they now openly avow. Before the present aboliti I 
mado much progress, they affected to lament slavery, us their 'misfortune,' which they could 
not get rid of, because it was 'entailed' on them ; but since the formidable increase of tl.ac ex- 
citement, the tune is entirely changed j and slavery id now a 'practical blessing !' And I won- 
der how any enlightened person, can consider the settlement of colored people on this conti 
nent, in a state of republican liberty, equality, knowledge and civilization, to be any thing else but 
a real 'blessing.' For I suspect more white people can exist on the continent, with than with- 
out its present black population. The hot countries of this continent can never be cultivated 
by white labor. The climates of those countries will never pjrmit it ; and the slaveholders 
know it well. Negro slaves were first imported into this country, for this very reason ; and 
negroes will always remain in it, for the same reason. So for the same reason, black slaves 
were introduced into the West Indies and South America. So long as those countries arc cul- 
tivated at all, they must be cultivated by black labor. And it is not black labor ; but slave la- 
bor, that curses them. Free, well paid black labor, would make all those countries earthly 
paradises. On this account, the entire departure of our whole colored population, would ruin 
the southern states; and the slaveholders know it; and will never therefore part with their co- 
lored population, on any terms or conditions. They vill finally consent to a general aboli- 
tioB ; but never to a general colonization. The latter would be their certain ruin ; of which 
fact they are fully aware Nor will they care any more about amalgamation after abolition, 
than they did before, It is the absenc* ; not the presence of free emancipated blacks, that tho 
country would have any just cause to depiorc. 

So eager are the slaveholders to perpetuate and extend slavery, (and of course to perpetu- 
ate and extend amalgamation,) that they are endeavoring by open force and fraud, and by the 
most reckless violations of the Law of Nations, to aiinex Texas to this country, for ihit 
purpose. Here is a Tiew and widoly extended field opened, by these atrociously wicked means, 
for the extension of slavery, and its necessary attendant, amalgamation ; these being the two 
principal objects of the Texian rebellion. Yet not one of the amalgamation alarmists, has 
raised his voice against the project ! Free amalgamation is the object of their constant horrer; 
but in slave amalgamation, they have the utmost complacency and satisfaction. Hjs only 
<vuen the hbertv and equal rights of colored people are proposed, that (hey becoifl '■ 

o 



114 

with fear, of this imaginary evil ! What plainer proof can we have, of their shame-lees hy- 
pocrisy, and degrading moral corruption ? 

Many of the corruptionists I have here exposed, have raised and spread the amalgamation 
alarm, for the purpose of promoting the colonization scheme ; as well as hindering the progress 
of abolition. But as many honest people have, through their corrupt age.icy, suffered them- 
selves to be misled, by this foolish bug-bear of amalgamation, I will for their sake treat the 
subject seriously. I do not apprehend an amalgamation of color, to any considerable extent, 
in a stale of perfect freedom to both races. A few solitary cases might now and then occur ; 
as they now do in the free states ; and but a few. The natural repugnance of the two races-, 
will in such a state, be a very effectual general bar to the practice ; such freedom being the 
only means, to restore the free operation of the bar. Slavery has caused almost all the amal- 
gamation in the country ; and abolition will put an almost entire stop to it. I believe this; 
because there will be nothing like a necessity ; no special temptation, (as there now ie, on ac- 
count of the unprotected condition of female slaves,) for amalgamation. Each race being fur- 
nished, with its own proportional sexual distribution, its own proportion ofmales and females, 
will have no necessary motivo or strong temptation, to seek to amalgamate with the other. — 
The rights and chastity of colored women, being protected by law, the violence which is now 
the most rapid agent of amalgamation, will cease, and with it the practice itself. In the Brit- 
ish West Indies, where the same alarm had been circulated, in its most odious and frightful 
colors, the scarecrow of amalgamation has wholly vanished ; the alarmists themselves being 
anxious, to prevent their colored people, from leaving them ! Nothing is less thought of or 
cared about, than amalgamation, in all those islands. Both races find they have other lawful 
business, of much more importance to attend to. 

Marriage when free, is generally a matter of taste. And neither marriage nor other social 
intercourse, are matters of natural right. They depend wholly on contract or. agreement. No 
person has & right to enjoy the company or society of another, without his or her free consent. 
The natural Rights, such as Security, Liberty, Property, <$ -c -» are independent of the consent 
of others, being exxlusivc & not conventional rights; as was stated in the First Lecture. But 
Marriage aud Social Intercourse are not ; being merely conventional rights; and therefore en- 
tirely dependant on the consent of others. Complete abolition will give no right to amalga- 
mate, unless it be perfectly voluntary on both sides ; and this volition, or free choice, owing to 
distaste, will be seldom exercised. Nor are Americans the only people who fear amalgama- 
tion. The upper ranks of society in Europe, will no sooner amalgamate with the lower, than 
our whites will with the negroes ; a fact which proves, that condition as well as color, has 
much agency in the production of 'prejudice. 1 Nor will abolition lessen the distaste or dislike 
to color. It will only put an end to the prejudice against rights ; and that system of wrong, 
violence aud brutal insult, which is the principal cause, of all the amalgamation in the 
country. And though complete emancipation will give the conventional right of legal amal- 
gamation ; yet where two races of people, have such a natural distaste to each others' persons, 
as the whites and black have, there will never be any danger of their amalgamating, to any 
alarming or injurious extent. Such emancipation renders amalgamation fears, what they ought 
always to be — a mere subject of ridicule. 

Many people seem to fear legal amalgamation, as an evil; and it really is so in all respects, 
so long as colored people are compelled to remain degraded in society ; and it is always an e- 
vil to the feelings of those, who have a disrelish to it ; as most people really have. And if it 
b« a real evil, the white people have no right to complain of it ; for it is they, and not the co- 
lored people, who have introduced and supported all the amalgamation in the country. In- 
juries to taste at least, are no excuse for violations of rights. We are perfectly sensible they 
are not in other cases. Our tastes are frequently offended ; but we never think of violating 
the rights of any body, on that account, except those of the colored people. If a white person 
does nothing more than offend our taste, we never think of injuring him for that reason ; a fact 
which proves, that there is no connexion between slavery and color; for if there were, white 
«olor would, for any thing we know to the eontrarv, be as likely to produce slavery, as black 



its 

<st any other color! Nor is such a motive for the violation of rights, ever uermittcd in m« 
Scriptures ; a fact that proves it to be blasphemous. And the rejection of it in every other 
case proves, that had not slavery existed, we should never have thought of ttulming colored 
people, or otherwise abusing them, on account of amalgamation, or any other mere offence to 
taste. And were slavery now to be abolished, we should never think of reviving it, to prevent 
amalgamation. For such revival wc perfectly know, would only incroaso this 'evil,' a hund- 
red fold faster, than it would increase, in a state of perfect freedom to both races. 

The inquiry may be made, if any special measures would he necessary or advisable, in » 
state of perfect freedom to both races, to prevent amalgamation ? I answer no ; none at all 
will be necessary ; because there will be no danger of it. As an oiTenco to my own taste, I 
would in all cases oppose it, if necessary, so far as I could without violating the Law of God. — 
We always instinctively oppase other offences against our taste, within these sacred limits; 
and thus far commit no sin, by so doing ; and so far it would be perfectly just and right to 
oppose tho legal amalgamation of the two races ; but no farther. Abolitionists as such, de- 
sire no amalgamation of color. Tliey only desire an amalgamation of rights. Dut say their 
enemies ; tho one amalgamation will load to tho other. If the whites and blacks are allowed 
the right to intermarry, they will do so. This is a mietakc. The effect will be directly the 
other way. If they will have the right to intermarry, they will also have the right, not to in- 
termarry ; and this latter right, owing to distaste and repugnancy, will always be exercised by 
both races. Tho mere conventional right of matrimony will have no effect to produce a ge- 
neral amalgamation, in comparison of that, which the slave rights of ravishment and prostitu- 
tion now have. It is for tho want of an amalgamation of rights, that that of color increases at 
the rate it now duos, in the slave stales, 

I have stated, that marriage and social intercourse, are not mattere of natural right, but ex- 
ist in contract and agreement merely. We are perfectly sensible in other caBes, that they 
depend wholly on the agreements and consent of parties ; and that a refusal of such rights, 
does not justly interrupt the harmony of society ; because it never justly disturbs or infringe*, 
any persons rights. In European society it is as disgraceful for the higher ranks to associate 
openly and publicly with the lower, as it is in this country, for white pcoplo to associate thutj 
with negroes. The civil and religious equality of mankind, does not include their social equa- 
lity. The former are matters of strict exclusive right ; the latter of contract. The Natural 
Rights, such as Security, Liberty and Property before mentioned, and the Relative Rights ol 
husband and wife, parent and child, &c. are matters ofstiict exclusive right, independent of 
tho consent of others, given to U3 by our Maker. All other rights arc matters, cither of con- 
tract or usurpation. 

Different races of men may live intermingled in society, in the enjoyment of equal rights, 
without any amalgamation, with as much harmony and as little disturbance and trouble, as 
different sects and languages do. Nolhine is easier or more natural in practice, however dif- 
ficult it seems in theory and prospect ; as all white people who live near colored noighbors, 
in free countries, well know. Sects and languages never nmalgamatc, though existing for a. 
ges in the same neighborhoods ; on account of their repugnancy. All sectarians well know, 
there is no danger of such amalgamation, on this account. Nor will there be any danger o( 
amalgamation of color, in a state of freedom, for the same reason. 

1 for ono am of the opinion, that tho permanent settlement of our colored people in this 
country, in a state of permanent freedom and equality of rights, will bo one of the greatest bless- 
ings the country can enjoy ; because they only can cultivate the extreme southern part of it. 
The rich products of those hot regions, so necessary to feed and clotho the nation, can only be 
ruiscdand brought to market, by the labor of those people. No other event would go half ko 
far, to ruin the wealth and prosperity of the country, as their departure. It is not neg 
but slavery, that ruins the countiy. Slavery alon<\ has rendered them and the whites cui3e^ 
t,o each other ; or rathei has cursed then both- Perfect freedom alone, will render them 
:!ie ^reateit blessings to each other, 



ii6 

Po prevent illegal amalgamation, the same as illegal ctibeibitation of" any kind, nothing mots 
viil be necessary, than virtuous education and consequent good morals. Mere literary educa- 
tion alone, will not make society virtuous, prospeious and happy ; however much it may polish 
and refine it. Nay, without morality, such education seems to' render men the more wicked ; 
as the conduct of a great portion of the wealthiest class will testify. Many of the worst and vi- 
lest corruptionists in existence, possess great literary accomplishments ; so necessary is good mo- 
ral education, to form virtuous society. Genuine christian morality united with literature, will 
.lone onable men, to realize the blessings of universal freedom. And these acquirements are all 
that will ever be necessary, to insure the greatest prosperity and happiness to both races, living 
together unamalgamated, in a state of perfect republican equality of rights. Our wicked hatred 
of the black race is now so strong, owing to our habitual unstocratic prejudices, against their en- 
slaved and degraded condition, that this effect seems on the first view, to be incredible and im- 
possible. But the habit of treating their rights with respect, which abolition and law together 
must produce, would soon remove the apparent impossibility. How many things are now in 
familiar uso, that were once deemed impossible! Hundreds of such cases may be cited from 
history. How many useful projects and inventions, that were once pronounced visionary and 
impracticable, and which drew popular odium on their authors, are now celebrated for thei'T 
utility and excellence I Nothing that now appears to many minds, so difficult and formid- 
able, will on fair trial bo found easier or more agreeable in practice, than the legal and republi- 
can equality of the two races. And the time is not far distant, when every body will wonder, 
there should ever have been any supposed difficulty about it. 

Many have imagined, diat iho two races cannot live intermixed (not amalgamated) in society, 
on terms of legal equality; or, both in possession of equal legal rights. They seem to reason, as 
if there were sonic natural cause or impediment, to obstruct and prevent such equality; or, as if 
hurrrtui rights must necessarily be as different, as human color; whereas rights are by the gift and 
appointment of fiod, as common to all mankind, as their speech and reason, their shape and or- 
ganic ! ; on, their faculties and abilities, their wants' and desires, their passions and appetites, or 
othei essential qualities ; or as the elements by which they aie supported are. Whether the two 
races, living together in the same society or country, can enjoy equal rights, primarily depends*, 
as already remarked, on the equal operation of equal Lata. Let the Lutes be equal, and their 
Rights will be, equal ; and to render the laws equal, let them be made and administered, by all 
tho citizens equally, without regard to color or other physical peculiarities. If tho Law equali- 
zes men's rights, they will remain equal, so long as the law remains in force. Nor will it bo 
possible for evil disposed men, to destroy this equality, unless they first destroy the law, or pre- 
vent its operation. Nor if the law equalizes human rights, is it of any consequence, so long as 
the law remains in force, how many different races or varieties of men, live in the same society ; 
any mote than it is, hew many different sects, languages or religions exist in the same society. — 
It might as well be pretended, that horses and cattle of different colors, cannot live together in 
tho same pasture, or that goods of different colors cannot lie on the same shelf, as that men of 
different colors, cannot live in the same society, without destroying each others' rights. Such 
pretended inability or necessity, is a contemptible phantom, as before remarked. It was former- 
ly seriously and perhaps honestly supposed, that orthodox and heretical christians, could not live 
together in the same society; a notion no more absurd, than the one under consideration. But 
wo know that this foolery was, by liberal sentiments and equal laws, exploded long ago. And 
it was not the only nonsense tlia world needed ridding of. 

I have been the "more prolix in thy remarks, on this phantom of amalgamation, in consequence 
cf having observed, that it is the strongest objection, some honest people appear to have to aboli- 
tion; and is the principal reason why they adhere, to the hopeless and criminal scheme of coloni- 
zation. One objection will often weigh with some, that will have no effect on others ; and I 
think it probable, that this one contemptible as it is, has had the greatest weight in manyhonesi 
minds, of any. None of the objections, urged against the abolition of slavery, have any intrin- 
sic merit ; and this one on a critical examination, is discovered to be as groundless and worthless 
as the rest; and only needs to havo its demerits thoroughly exposed, to bo like the rest con- 
temptuously rejected. 

15th Obj. — Dissolution of the Union. ♦ 

The slaveholders threaten to dissolve the union, because a 'contemptible band of fanatics,' as 
they sneeringly call the abolitionists, will agitate the 'delicate subject' of slavery, and urge its a- 
bolition. Whero then, I ask, is the boasted and pulled 'chivalry' of the south? Is it really 
'chivalrous' and magnanimous; is it 'high-souled' conduct, for men professing such groat and no • 
ble qualities, to pay so much regard, to such a 'contemptible' agency, as on account of it, to 
threaten the commission of the highest criminal offence, of which the subjects of government arc 
capable! A lion will not attack a mouse. And it tnudt be anew sort of Vhivalry,' that would 
deign to attack such 'contemptible' opponents, aa the slaveholders represent the abolitionists to be. 



Ami what too when viewed with thus treasonable threat, bei omes of the slavs holding as well 
as dbugfifaced pretence, of tbe ' content mtnt and 'happiness' oftho slaves I What ; a 'contempt* 
ihle cause agitate and 'influence,' such a 'happy' and 'contented' ?ct of beings, to lueh a degree, 
as to render a dissolution of the union necessary, in order to counteract the effect ! 0< 
•cnoy; thou art indeed 'a rare jewel,' among people of a particular deeeription. The -davshol'd* 
era declare their slaves to be, 'better otf than the noithcm laborers'; to be 'tlio happiest peasant 
ry in the world,' and 'so contented, they would not take their freedom as a gilt'; but yet, if tbe 
subjects of slavery and abolition bo agitated (it all, even at the north, where ft can have 'no ef- 
fect,' and by 'contemptible fanatics' too, it will cause such an 'excitement among tbe slave*, ' 
as to rsuder a dissolution of the union necessary, to enable the masters, to hold this 'peculiar spe- 
cies! of property' in security I 1 

Viewed in the light of the avowed motives, from which the threat is made, its plain import 
and effect, an effect as clear as if made in so many words, is, that if the abolitionists do right, the 
slaveholders will do wrong; that if the former continue to preach righteousness and repontancn 
from sin, the latter will sin still the harder ; that if the former will persist, in the discharge of a 
Divine duly and obligation, in the exorcise of constitutional and Divine rights both, the latter will 
cenainly commit treason and other atrocious crimes 1 Because abolitionists are determined to 
obey the commands of God, they are the more detei mined to violate them/ Because the former 
will servo God, they will serve the devil ! And the morality of it is, that because the slavehol- 
ders will sin, the abolitionists ought to sin also, by neglecting to 'open their mouths for the 
dumb'; just us if the sins of the former can excuse (hose oftho latter ! If this is not the exact 
language of the throat, it is its exact meaning and 1 fleet, when compared with the motives with 
which it is made ; motives in which tho 'men-stcalers' are justified, by all their dough faced al- 
lies in the free states. But are the crimes or criminal threats of wicked men, any excuse for the 
neglect ofchristian duty ( Are we at liberty to sin because others do? The spirit oftho scriptures 
says they are not; vide Isa. Iviii 1, E/.e. iii 7-11, 17, 18, Mic. hi 5-3, 2d Tim. iv 2-5, and a 
great number of similar passages. The holy prophets, whose example is specially intended for 
our imitation, boldly delivered their messages, in spite of wicked threats and persecutions. Christ 
commanded his apostles, to 'preach the gospel to cTery creature'; though he at the same time in- 
formed them, they would be persecuted and put to death for doing so. In imitation of these ex- 
amples, Luther, and other reformers, persevered in thoir 'works of righteousness,' in spite of 
tho most wicked and ferocious threats, and the most imminent danger* ; and have since been 
celebrated as worthy christian reformers, for this special christian duty. Besides, a contrary 
course does like the false prophets, make tho' wills of wicked men the tule of duty, instead of 
the will of God ! Appropriate examples may also be selected from prophane history. In our 
revolutionary war, for instance, the tories and cowards exhorted the colonists to submission, 
without making any attempts to assert their rights, or redress their wrongs; becauso such at- 
tempts would only provoke the British government, to retaliate by still greater oppressions. — 
ISut this danger was wisely held to be no good motive, for tame submission to open tyranny. — 
And what would be thought of the patriotism of such, as should advise silent submission, to ev- 
ery unprovoked attack on our national rights, merely because tyrants threaten resistance with 
retaliation ! We know such advisers' would bo treatod, with open contempt and abhorrence. 
But for arguments sake, supposo the abolitionists actually do wrong, to the injury of tho slave- 
holders. Will their sins excuse those of the latter 1 Will they justify the slaveholders in op- 
pressing other people? Can crime ever justify crime ? We all know it cannot. And if tho 
slaveholders aro really 'injured' by abolitionists, why do they not apply to the law for redress; 
as for other injuries received , and not threaten to break law, because others, as they pn 
do wrong without breaking it! Or if they have no legal redress, (as they admit they have nut; ) 
is this because tho law, or their own conduct, is wrong and defective I Surely to violate good 
laws of every kind, both Divine and human, merely because others obey such laws, (as Iff 
litionists now clearly do,) is conduct most blasphemously criminal. And this is the only D 
ilu slaveholders have, for threatening to dissolve the union ! ! 

And tho slaveholders and their advocates complain, of the just and reasonable provocation 
they have, to instigate theni to this treasonable design. Let us considor the nature of this 'pro 
vocation.' Obedience to tho commands of Go I, a just provocation to commit crimes ! Im.t-i 
ting tho example of our Saviour, tho prophets, apostles and martyrs, n just provocation! 'Do 
ing as we would be dono by,' a just and reasonable 'provocation.' Crimes are always commit 
ted from bad motives; and none but the greatest criminals ever allege tho the 'practice of righ I 
eousucss' as such. And none therefore can be worse, than the slaveholders and their frien 
vow. They are open blasphemy. 

And suppose this treasonable pretence to bo as true, as it is contemptibly false. Must salutary 
reforms never bo undertaken, because the vices and evils to be reformed, produce "linger to the 
reformers! Have we a right to make tho wicked wills of wished men, tho rule of duty, instead 
of the Divine will ! Must crime never be attempted to be abolished, and ciiminal customs re- 
formed, because tho criminals threaten treason if tho attempt is mads ! Suppose all the count- 
erfeiters, tobbers, and other criminals in 'the country, slfbuld threaten as trie slaveholder* 



116 

dissolve the union, if attempts bo made to abolish their criminal practices , ought not such at- 
tempts nevertheless te be made? Must the whole gospel never be proclaimed, because wicked 
men now ns they formerly did, threaten the commission of crimes if it is? Or shall we let the 
quiet progress of crime alone, and the country go on to certain destruction, because others threat- 
en still more crimes, if such 'interference' is attempted; and then call this acquiescence patri- 
otism! Where is the christian morality or even prudence, that justifies such abstinence from 
such a motive? Besides, will the dangers or difficulties ofabolition, become less by delay ? E- 
very body knows that both are daily increasing; and tlrlit delay has no effect but to accelerate 
that increase. Those difficulties are less note than they ever will be again by delay. The best 
policy therefore dictates, that if a persevering attempt is ever to be made, to abolish slavery, it 
ought to be made now, without a moment's unnecessary delay or relaxation. And again; the 
alternative is now presented by the slaveholders^ either of the dissolution of the union, or of that 
of the liberties of the northern people ; the union and slavery, or disunion and liberty, or rather 
slavery or disunion. Supposing this dreadful alternative to be really inevitable, as some dough- 
faced alarmists will have it to be ; would a man who has the spirit of liberty in him, hesitate 
which to choose ? Which is the least of the two evils, universal slavery, or disunion with 
slaveholders? 

The 'union' is already, in effect, to a groat extent 'dissolved.' It affords not the slightest pro- 
tection, to the constitional rights of abolitionists, in any of the slave states; and does not prevent 
the grossest outrages on those rights, and generally without any redress, in the so called 'free' 
states. Our 'glorious union,' effected by means of our 'noblo constitution,' intended to provide 
for the 'common defence,' and to 'secure the blessings of liberty,' &c, is of no value to freemen 
in the slave states, and in some parts of the free states. None of them are any the more secure 
in the slave states, on account of the 'union.' None of their just rights are at all respected in 
those states, on account of the union or constitution. The slaveholders and their tools, are or- 
ganized as a vast banditti, in all those states, to outrage and murder all abolitionists, without the 
slightest regard to legal rights or constitutional guarantees, not even in point of form. More than 
half a million of people, are thus practically outlawed, without crime, in their own native coun- 
try I And the facts here detailed show, that though the slaveholders have no just provocation, 
for a dissolution of the union, the people in the free states have. They and they only Jiave re- 
ceived sufficient provocation. For as the 'union' affords no protection, to some of their dearest 
rights, why should they value it more than the violators of those rights do I Our forefathers re- 
ceived no greater provocation from the British government, to dissolve their connexion with the 
British empire, than those that the northern people have received, from the slaveholders. Bri- 
tish tyranny was not as cruel and destructive, as slaveholding tyranny is; yet our forefathers 
'dissolved' their British 'union,' on account of it. But such is the love of their descendants for 
our own 'union,' that none of them have threatened its dissolution, except those who have given 
the only just provocation for it I 

And the abolitionists have been frequently warned, both in the spirit of caution and menace, 
of the consequences of their schemes ; that is to say, warned of the 'consequences' of the practico 
of righteousness! So were the prophets and apostles warned, of the same kind of 'consequen- 
ces;' — vide IstKings xviii 17, Acts iv 17-21, v 40, xvi 20-24, xvii 5-7, 32, and other passages. 
So were Luther, Knox and Wesley 'warned in the same way. So have all reformers been 
'warned.' But what do 6uch 'warnings' mean? Why simply, that bad men will commit 
crimes, if good men do their duty, in obedience to the commands of God 1 Thus our forefath- 
ers were 'warned,' of the consequences of their resistance to Biitish tyranny. Such blasphem- 
ous 'warnings have been common in every age, to deter the friends of righteousness, from at- 
tempting salutary reforms. And these 'warnings' come only from persons, who were never 
known to warn their guilty countrymen, of the 'consequences' of persistance in the sin oj slave- 
ry ; though such consequences are the only ones to be justly feared. And it should be remarked 
also, that these slavish 'warnings,' are of the vengeance of wicked men only ; to the entire dis- 
regard of the vengeance of the Almighty ! But are such 'warnings' to be heeded? — vide Matt, 
x 25-23. It is God alone and His displeasure that we ought to fear ; vide Job x 4, Prov. i 7, Isa. 
viii 12, 13, Eze. xxii 14, Luke xii 4, 5, 1st Pet. iii 14. And as He has commanded U9 to oyer, 
throw slavery, we are under a Divine obligation to fulfil the command; in comparison of which, 
all the threats and 'solemn warnings' of icprobate men, are not of the slightest importance; ex- 
cept as an additional motive, to zeal in the woik. So abolitionists have been warned, of the 
frowns of society, by men who fear such 'frowns,' more than they do those of their Maker. The 
frowns of a viituous public sentiment, are a merited disgrace and just punishment, to bad char- 
actors. But tho 'frowns' of such a sentiment as that produced by slavery, are the greatest hon- 
or that an abolitionist, or other lover of righteousness can have; as great as the 'frowns' of the 
corrupt Jews were to the prophets and apostles; as those of the Roman government and peo- 
ple were to the martyrs; or as those of the papal hierarchy were to Luther and the other re 
formers. Why need abolitionists trouble themselves about suck 'frowns,' or other criminal 
threats , so long as they give no just cause for them ? For it is'e.ertain that they have nevet giv- 
en" arty such cause; unless 'works of righteousness' ais such. And when and where waa il . 



1!'J 

sr held, by any except tyrants, that proclamations of il.e truth ai d exhorl itioni to righteoufBi i 
weroajust cause for such threats? And who, hut such as Pharaoh, Herod, Nero, Caligula 
and Robespierre, ever uttered such threats or 'warnings,' on such pretences? Who but real 
reprobates evor use them, to prcvont works of righteousness? And are their frowns deserving 
the notice of righteous men? And are ciiminal threats and pretences ever a justifiable motive, 
for neglect of the commands of God? 'Let us not bo deceived,' for 'God will pot bo mockeOT 
in this way ; vide Job xiii 8, 9, Prov. xxix 25, Gal. vi 7. The wicked threats of slaveliolding 
tyrants, are no more to be regarded by the friends of righteousness, than the 'idle wind' that pas- 
ses us. It is highly sinful to be deteirod by such threats, from the discharge of Known duty. 

And in tho same spirit with these threats, is the charge of 'rashness,' so currently reported a- 
gainst the abolitionists, their cause, measures and spirit. As before remarked of the charge of 
'imprudence ;' the < liarge is true only in the corrupt sense, that all 'works and workers of right 
eousness' aro 'rash.' If to obey the commands ol God, in preference to those of mobs and ty 
rants, to practice the Golden Ride, in spite of threats and menaces for doing it; to exorcise con- 
stitutional rights in a constitutional manner, for the best good of the country ; ifthesc acts ar6 
'rashness;' then abolition is nothing but 'rashness!' If our Saviour, the prophets, apostles, martyrs 
and reformers were 'rash' 'misguided' men, then the modern abolitionists are very 'rash' people ; 
otherwise the charge is like all the other charges against abolitionism, a simple falsehood. 

Wore we to place any confidence, in the sincerity of tho threats, of u 'dissolution of the uni- 
on, 'civil war,' «&c, uttered by the slaveholders, we might have some reason to fear those evils; 
or at least, that attempts would be made to produce them. A groat uproar is made and alarms 
raised of such dissolution; and all as is declared, on account oflhe peaceable, legal and righte 
ous efforts, of a -contemptible handful of fanatics, ' to abolish the customary practice, of one of 
the greatest of crimosl The notes of alarm resound from all parts of the slave stale* ; and are 
re-echoed in all parts of the free states. Southern governors and legislators, in their official ca- 
pacity; large public meetings of southern citizens; bodies of southern clergy; southern newspa 
pers and periodicals, roar lustily with threats, imprecations and maledictions, of every descrip- 
tion, and with imperious remonstrances to their 'northern brethren,' on account of the conduct 
and measures of the 'fanatics.' Large rewards have been offered, for the kidnapping of leading 
abolitionists; and special legislation demanded to silence them. The whole south professes to 
be in a state of alarm, bordering on frenzy. And yet the northern 'friends' of these alarmists 
tell us, the abolitionists can produce 'no effect' on the south ! 

We should notice also, froiii whom and foricliat, these criminal threats of disunion come ; — 
and by whom they are uttered. They have not been thrown out by the abolitionists. There is 
no danger of treason, not even throats of it from them. They are finn friends to the union ; and 
will support it to the last. They are tho threats of slaveholders only ; who of all men in the 
country have the least good reason to make them, exaept as scarecrows to frighten doughfaces 
with; and their only excuses are, the exorcise of Divine lights and duties by abolitionists, and 
the pretended fear of servile troubles in consequence. Nothing can be wickeder than their mo- 
tives ; or weaker or less able to carry their treasonable threats into execution, than the slavehold 
ers are, if confined to their own resources. Could they obtain sufficient northern assistance' they 
might perhaps be able to sever the union, aDd support their slave system afterwards ; but not 
without. This fact renders it probable, that their treasonable threats are only made, for the pur 
pose of procuring this support. It proves also, that slavery is the only guilty cause, that threat 
ens a dissolution of the union. It is the drfence, and not the attack, on the abomination, that 
threatens this dissolution. 

Slavery has so paralyzed and weakened, the military resources of tho slave states, that if left 
to contend alone single handed, those states must fall a prey to any powerful invader, unless 
they first abolish slavery. This internal weakness of the slave states, is seen and acknowledged 
by all, who are well acquainted with their social organization. The slaveholders are brave Bnd 
well armed, but they have in their midst a most formidable enemy, necessarily and justly render 
ed such, in the persons of their own slaves. In case of a foreign war with any great and war 
like power, they cannot alone defend themselves, and at the same time guard their slaves. The 
union is, therefore, the only sure protection to the slave states, in time of great danger from war, 
— and the dissolution of it without abolition, is the only event that will certainly expose thorn. 
to a repetition of the 'horrore of St. Domingo ;' which they now pretend so much to fear, with 
the union. For them to dissolve the union would bo to 'jump out of the frying pan into the 
fire.' After dissolution they could not in such an emergency, eipect any foreign assistance; — 
the foreign powers able to render such assistance, being now hostile to slavery. Not one ol 
them will assist other nations in restoring or protecting the abomination. To believe that un- 
der such circumstances, the slaveholders are serious in their treasonable threats, is to believe 
them to be what they call the abolitionists — madmen. Especially must we thus believe, if their 
object is to support slavery ; for no means can destroy the curse so soon, as such dissolution. — 
Such an event would not suspend the operation, of any part of the abolition machinery, not even 
'insendiary circulars.' for a moment: but xvould increase and animate every part of that machi 
tterv greatly ; while the facilities for tha escape and proteetio'n ofrunawar slaves owing to I i 



Irritation of the northern people, would be increased more than ten fold. The spint of the ugii 
;s so hostile to slavery, that ft could no longor any where find a refuge on this continent; and 
would quickly come to an end. The 'union' is now the last and only sure support of slavery ; 
and if it falls, slavery very certainly falls with it. An attempt by the slaveholders therefore, to 
dissolve the union for the support of slavery, would be conduct similar to that of the man, who- 
threatened to cut his own throat to save his life ! 

The union is of great value to the free stales ; but not of half the value it is [o the slave 
slates. The latter are much more dependant on the former, than these last on them. The 
t.!ave states cannot engage extenshely in commerce and manufactures, so long as their slave 
system contiuues. Nor would their necessary intercourse with the free states, be materially 
interrupted by disunion. It would still go on as before; and abolition principles spread faster 
with, than they now do without disunion. The slave stale* cannot now exist, as independent 
sovereignties at all, without either the union or abolition. If left to contend ulone with any 
great foreign power, either they or thei'r slave system must fall ; and probably both together. 
The northern states may preserve their independence without the union; the southern never 
can. Disunion would present a most templing occusion, to- 'foreign interference' with their 
independence. And their own treatment of Mexico at the present time, would be used against 
them, as the ready pretext for such 'interference.' The iiee states may preserve their inde- 
pendence after disunion ; but the slave stales never can without abolition. Of this alarming 
fact, the best informed inhabitants of the slave states are aware. So dangerous is the condi- 
tion of those states, with the union, that they are obliged to keep up a constant military police 
and preparation, even in-line of peace. Their guards and p&trola continually scour the 
country, by day and night, to prevent insurrections. The danger to those states from this 
cause, is greatly increased by war ; and in this event, without the union, it would be increased 
many fold. There cannot therefore be any serious danger of disunion, from the slaveholders. 
Though they threaten hard, in their impotent malice against the abolitionists, they will bo 
the last persons to carry their threats into execution. They will never dare to do it, while sla- 
very continues. They well know it would be an act of political suicide. The most serious 
danger of disunion is from without ; not within the republic ; which danger abolition alone can 
remove. 

1 readily admit, that it would be the highest injustice and lowest meanness, to derives mo- 
tive from the internal weakness of ihe slave states, to induce the slaveholders, to part with a- 
ny of their just rights and privileges. And did the abolitionists seek to persuade the slavehol- 
ders, to renounce any such rights, they would be justly obnoxious to the severest censures. — 
But they only ask them to renounce crime ; to quit me,n -stealing. They only request them to 
practice righteousness; and thus insure their own peace, prosperity and happiness; to give 
up those unjust rights, which we have seen are eternal wrongs — and thus refrain from 'treas- 
uring up wrath against the day of wrath.' They only desire them to cease from doing wrong, 
in order to do right. Nor do they make these righteous requests, because the slaveholders 
are'weak and defenceless ; but because truth and righteousness are mighly, and must And 
ought to prevail. A just and reasonable request is always right and proper, under any cir- 
cumstances ; and can never be a just cause, for crime or criminal threats. And most just, 
reasonable and proper, at all times, are requests to cease from the commission of sin, and to 
work righteousness in Hs stead. 

16th Obj. — Cowardice. 

The charge of cowardice made against abolitionists, for refusing to 'go to the south' und be 
murdered, during the present furious excitement ther*, would not be worth notice, were it not 
for the just occasion it offers, of retort and rebuke to adversaries. 

The charge places those who make it, in this dilemma. If they say it is not the duty of a- 
bolitionieta to 'go to the south,' they have no right to make the charge; for there is no occasion 
for it. If rhey say it is their duty, they convict themselves of hypocrisy; for as the Divine 



12J 

commands nrr, univerial, being obligatory on all men alike, ilia objector* thereby d«clare it i> 
be their own duty, to preach abolition at the south. Nor if they are realty uodei ibia obligati 
on, is it any excuse or discharge to them from the same, that they do not realize it. The ready 
retort then occurs; why then do they not teach abolitionists their duly, by example 3* 
well as precept ? Why do not they 'go to the aouth and preach abolition V The spirit of tho 
Scriptures leave us no room to doubt, respecting the duly of abolitionists in the present try- 
ing crisis. Reformers are taught by this spirit, never to expose themselves to useless danger, 
in circumstances of great trouble and difficulty; but always to avoid such danger; vide 1 Kings 
xviii 4, 13, xix 3, 4, 9, 10. Matt, ii 13, iv 12, x 23, xii 14, ! o, xxiv 1C, Mark xiii 14, Luke 
.xxi 21, Acts viii 1. ix 24, 25, xiv 5, 6, ileb. xi 31J-3S, and various other passages. These ex- 
amples teach us, carefully to preserve our lives, from unnecessary useless exposure. 1 1 will 
not be pretended by any honest person, that abolition reformers can do as much good at the 
present time, by going into the slave states, as by remaining out of them. It is only when re- 
formers cannot avoid danger, that the Scriptures require them to encounter it boldly ; and not 
to renounce the truth, though at the risk of martyrdom. None ever raised this pretence, ex- 
cept those who were animated by the spirit of murder against abolitionists. None ever re- 
proached others, lor tefusing to go where they were sure to be murdered, unless they wished 
them to be murdered. 

Though this pretence has no proper reference to the merits of abolition, it is fair to retort 
the charge of cowardice, on those to whom of all men it most properly belongs, — tho slavehol- 
ders and their supporters ; for there is not another so cowardly a practice in existence as 
slaveholding. It is simply wronging the weaker out of all their rights and happiness, by the 
force and fraud of the stronger. Such conduct in every other case, is justly treated as the ba- 
sest cowardice. All the means used, to support the practice, such as the hunting, punching 
torturing and murder of the helpless slaves, are the most cowardly conceivable ; and *ou!d, 
were it not for the dreadful corruptions of the country, he acknowledged and treated as such. 
The fruits of tho practice are of the most cowardly kind. There is probably more ferocity, 
ruffianism, vanity and conceit, and less of true honesty, honor and courage, in our slave states, 
than in any other civilized country. 

The general opposition to abolition, is also distinguished, by the peculiar meanness ol its 
cowardice. The cowardice of mobs is proverbial ; and our anti-abolition mobe have done am- 
ple justice to their ancient character. Equally remarkable is the cowardice of most of tho 
American newspapers ; those 'sentinels of freedom,' as they have been miscalled ; but which 
ought more properly to he designated 'sentinels of slavery.' Though anti slavery intelligence 
has baen of more importance to tho country than any other, these brave 'sentinels' have not 
only refused to give it, but have prostituted themselves to belie, vilify and slander abolition, 
through fear of losing corrupt patronage ! The same severe retort applies also, to the cow- 
ardly and corrupt American pulpit, bar, and other leading moral or rather immoral influences 
of this corrupt country. Scarce a preacher or pleader dares allude to the 'delicate subject' of 
slavery, for fear of giving offence to their corrupt hearers, though the Divine command is plain, 
to 'lift up their voices like a trumpet' against the abomination. So the American bench and 
legislative halls are influenced with the same spirit of corrupt sycophantic cowardice ; legisla- 
ting, expounding, enforcing and executing laws in many cases, with special reference to the 
cupport and perpetuity of slavery, out of fear of the wrath of the oppressors. 

I have thus endeavored to refute all the principal Objections and Pretences, forged by Mm 
enemies of universal freedom, to prevent the abolition of American slavery. And such another 
tissue of inconsistency, contradiction, sophistry and blasphemy as they present, wore never 
before exhibited for the support of crime. And the frequency and confidence with which they 
are advanced, in all parts of the United States, without any apparent remorse or shame, exhi- 
bits fearful evidence of a strong spirit of reprobation, widely spread through the country. When 
persons are to be found reckless enough, seriously to maintain, even in public debate, that sla- 
very is the 'handmaid' of liberty, and necessary to its support and protection, and without re- 
flecting or perhaps suspecting, that in morals as in physios, the more of one moral opposite 

V 



122 

ihere is, the least there must be of the other ; as the There of gin the less of holineee, the more" 
licentiousness the less purity, the more knavery the less honesty, &c; the same as in physics, 
the more weakness the less strength, the more sickness the less health, the more darkness the 
less light, &c; and to deny the right of moral interference with sin, beoauae it is licensed by 
human laws ; when men I say are found wicked and perverted enough, seriously to advocate 
such stupid blasphemy, and others are found Btupid enough apparently to believe it, both must 
be vary near reprobation. And the constant rise of these Objections in the free states also 
proves, that the north does support slavery, both directly and indirectly ; for they cannot be ir- 
sed any where for any other purpose. And were it not for this northern support, the abomi- 
nation would not exist five years, in any part of the union. 

The three great obstacles to abolition in the United States, are their Aristocracy, Ignoranct 
and Moral Corruption, being chiefly the fruits of the Pride engendered by slavery. On every 
side the abolition cause encounters these foes. But there is not a vice denounced in the 
Scriptures with more terrible, retribution than that of Pride ; vide Lev. xxvi 19, Pe. xviii 27, 
ci 5, Prov. vi 17, viii 13, xvi 5, IS, Isa. ii 12, 17, v 13, 15, xiii 11. Matt, iv 1, Luke i 51, James 
iv 6, and a thousand other passages. While no virtue is more strongly inculcated and bless- 
ed, than the opposite one of Humility, or the disposition to respect the rights and happiness of 
others, the same as our own ; vide Job xxii 29, Ps. ix 12, Prov. xv 33, xvi 19, xviii 12, xxii 4, 
Isa. lvii 15, Ixvi 2, Matt, v 3, Acts xx 19, 1st Pet. v 5, &e. Pride and Humility are frequent- 
ly contrasted with each other both by precept and example, and their different effects illustra- 
ted in the Scriptures; as in the story of Mordecai and Haman, the parable of Dives and Laza- 
rus, &c. Slavery is founded on the first and Abolition on the last ; and the curses of the one 
appertain to the former, and the blessings of the other to tho latter. 

From this spirit of Pride has sprung that excessive Hypocrisy before alluded to, so excessive- 
ly disgraceful to the country ; and which is so shamefully exhibited in the nature of the boast- 
ed American Liberty, as exemplified in the treatment of one-sixth of the native population. In 
this exemplification, it is the liberty, of destroying freedom by depriving innocent persons of all 
their liberty; the liberty, of owning, buying-, selling, ravishing, starving, torturing and enslaving 
others , the liberty, of 'interfering with' the just rights of others to their destruction, and, at 
the same time denying all right of 'interference,' with so great a crime; the liberty, of misrep- 
resenting, belying, persecuting, abusing, mobbing and lynching, all who take part with the 
victims, in ever so just and legal a manner ; the liberty, of suppressing freedom of speech and 
of the press, by mob violence and outrage, of enacting unconstitutional gag laws in the Slave 
States, and of attempting the same in the free States;. the liberty, to advocate freedom abroad 
and support slavery at home, to celebrate and extol the former, and zealously and criminally 
defend the latter ; the liberty, of the customary commission of every crime against the Law of 
God, and many crimes against the common law, without any real responsibility, for the sup- 
port of slavery ; the liberty to wicked men to do wrong, or the liberty ef unrestrained licenti- 
ousness, cruelty and slavery ; the liberty, in short, every where enjoyed by tyrants, to tyran- 
ize over all under their power and authority, without check or control ! It is the same kind of 
•liberty' that existo in Algiers, Turkey, Russia, and other despotic countries ; the liberty to 
the few, to do what they please to and with the many, without any responsibility, or the 'lib- 
erty' of tyrants only. This is the 'glorious American Liberty,' 1 as exemplified in the treatment 
of one-sixth part of the population! 

So this pride has induced the habitual boast, of this as & free country, the 'home of the op- 
pressed,' &c. But the greatest share of it has never been 'free' for any thing else but wrongs. 
And no part of it hae ever been perfectly free, to oppose those wrongs, even in a legal and con- 
stitutional manner. A corrupt public 6ontimenr, or spirit of slavery, backed by a ferocious 
mob, has always stood ready t© silence such opposition, by trampling on constitutional and 
Divine rights ; as has been lately demonstrated in many infamous cases. The simple discus- 
sion of the merits of slavery, has never like that of other subjects, been entirely 'free' in the 
'free states.' And the abolitionists now discuss those merits in many parts of those states, at 
the peril of their rights aod lives. As to the slave etatee, there never has been any more or 



ithet civil freedom m them, than in Algiers and other slave countries, [four slave stale* ar« 
'free,' then are tho.se countries also 'lice ;' and may ho culled in thu same senso and with thw 
same propriety, the 'homo of the free,' and the 'asylum of tho oppressed !' 

And this Pride has produced a false Christianity, which has induced the American church (o 
send the gospel to the heathen ahroad, and neglect those at home; directly contrary to tho 
scriptural injunction ; vide Luke xxiv 47, 'Charity should always begin at home; 1 (tough it 
should never eud there. Besides, our foroign missions can never receive tho Divine bicssmg, 
su long as they arc supported in any degreo, by the 'gains of oppression;' vide Isa. lxi 8. Tho 
sin of Aciian (covetousness, or the spirit and practice of slavery,] is in the American church; 
vide Josh, vii <$-c; and those who think that benevolent enterprises, supported by the 'blood 
and tears of innocents' can prosper, will find themselves mistaken ; vide Jcr. ii 31, 35, xix 4- 
15, Amos v 21-24, Matt, xxvii 3-5. Property obtained by fraud and crime, as all slave prop- 
erty and its profits are, will never be blessed to the final profit of its ownors, however much 
they may prosper for a season, and even though a portion of it be placed in the 'Lord's Trea- 
sury.' It is a great sin to attempt to perform good works, by wicked means or agents ; vide 
Jer. xxii 13, Mic. iii 10-12, Hah. ii 12, &c. A proposed good end can never sanctify and 
blosswieked means. And those who imagine that it can, indulge in a most pornicious and 
fatal error. Nor will all our long prayers and long faces and missionary donations, aacrificea 
and exertions, and pious cant about the 'poor perishing hcalhon in foreign lands,' atone for 
the guilt of making hundreds of heathen at home, for one that is converted from heathenism 
abroad. Until this practice is abolished, our foreign missions ne\cr will, as they never yet 
have, receive the Divine blessing. 



ADDENDA. 

The following remarks may bo added to the 6th page. Lmo is in legal acceptation derm 

ed to he, a rule of human action or conduct : vide 1 Blae. Com. 38. All such law is either Bi- 
vine or human ; or, tho Law of God and the laws of men. We are under inevitable compulsion, 
either to obey the Law of God, or to .sutler the penalties of its violation ; and cannot avoid the 
alternative ; because God is infinitely powerful and just. And why human law, constitution, in- 
stitution or custom, that ordains or authorises violations of the Law of God, is not only a sin but 
a national sin ; because such regulations are made in a national capacity, are acts of tho national 
~ioill, are rules of tho national practice, and are tho best index of tho national morals ; and will 
be surely and sorely punished in this world. They are high troason against tho government of 
the Almighty. They are public crimes ; and their guilt and enormity are great, in proportion to 
the extent of their guilty influence and operation. Nothing is truer than Dr. Priestley's remark, 
that 'no nation was ever better thin its laws, and many have been worse' Comparing in tho 
light ofthis correct observation, the American slave rode of law9 and customs, with those of oth- 
er slave nations both ancient and modern, it will clearly appoar, that thu American code is the 
most oppressive, cruel, savage, barbarous and bloody thai ever existed ! No savages evor had 
such savage laws and custom-, as these of American christians ! These not only imprison mul- 
titudes ofiunocent persons for life, but licence a\ of torture and murder, to support 
the imprisonment ! The 'Divine' institution of American Slavery cannot he supported without 
the aid of these legalised crimes, forming a code worse than any heathen code, either in p . 
present times ! 

To page 13 add the following. Just and reasonable Wages for labour, arc commanded by the 
universal spirit ofthe Scriptun s ; and the mosl terrib i thn tits are directed against those who 
dare to withhold (hem ; vide Lev. xix 13, Dent, xxiv 1 !, 15, Jer. xxii 18, Mai, iii 5, Luke \ 7, 
1st Cor. ix G-ll, James v 4, and numerous other passages. And the same p tod by 

the Law of Nature ; because all ought to share in the proceeds of thoir own ii lustry. Jfet the 
that the Almighty did notwithstanding in the Levitical law, e>; 
tn the contrary practice, of hereditary compulsory labour without wage* 



124 

Authorised the masters to employ force, fraud and torture to coerce it !! With such blasphemous 
Contradiction is this horrid pretence fraught. Besides, if it be right for man to hold property in 
man, it must also be right for him to practice constant cruelty ; to forbid marriage and licence uni- 
versal whoredom ; to forbid 'searching the Scriptures,' honoring and obeying parents, and to 
violate every other Divine command both positive and negative ; and to compel others to vio- 
late them, for this kind of 'property' cannot be subjected and controlled, without the constant 
practice of such violations 111 It must also be right for such property holders, to practice con- 
tinual robbery of the highest kind. For he who deprives innocent persons of their liberty, does 
them immensely greater injury, than if he plundered them of property only. Life and Liberty 
are the two greatest gifts of God to man ; the former is worth scarcely any thing without the 
latter ; and whoever destroys either, except for crimes to warrant such destruction, commits 
the highest crimes against the Divine Law, and of equal enormity. 

To page 17 add the following remarks. The most terrible woes and denunciations are threat- 
ened in the Scriptures, against those who oppress Widows and Orphans ; vide Ex. xxii 22-24, 
Dent, xxiv 17, Ps. xciv 1, G, Isa. i 17, Eze. xxii 7, Matt, xxiii 14, James i 27, and other passages. 
And the Law of Nature teaches, that no conduct can be more atrociously wicked, than such op- 
pression ; as is felt by the instant revulsion it occasions, in every other case, except that of poor, 
helpless down trodden slaves. Now the practice of slavery does in effect, render every slave 
mother a 'widow,' and every slave child an 'orphan' : as before explained. It has nearly as 
much effect, to destroy the domestic relations and sever the dearest ties of nature, and prevent 
the performance of moral and religious duties, as death and the grave have. And the hoi rid 
treatment oflhese slave 'widows and orphans,' by the unprincipled whites of this country, can- 
not fail, according to the Divine threats and promises, to cause the Divine vengeance to be poured 
out on this most guilty nation. 

Slavery is also an indirect breach, of all the other commands in the Decalogue ; that is, its con 
sequences necessarily produce their constant violation. It compels the slaves to violate tho 
First and Second commands ; by making the masters the objects of their slavish worship and 
forcing them to obey their master's wills, though ever so hostile to that of God. To violate the 
Third command ; by the constant temptation offered to all concerned in (he practice of slavery, 
to use the most blasphemously prophane language. To violate the Fourth ; by rendering it im- 
possible for the slaves to keep the Sabbath, in the spirit of the eoinmand, or to profit by its ad- 
vantages. The Fifth ; by prohibiting slave children, from honoring and obeying their parents. 
The Sixth; by producing murder in every shape, for the necessary support of slavery. Tho 
Seventh ; by prohibiting marriage, and thus producing universal licentiousness ; and the Ninth ; 
by producing the universal habit of lying, among all concerned in the practice of Slavery ; as is 
well exemplified, by the use of the various Objections made to abolition, and by the malignant 
falsehoods circulated respecting abolitionists and slaves. And so of every other Divine command 
in the Scriptures ; slavery either directly or indirectly or both, produces its constant necessary 
violation. Yet we are told from high clerical authority, that human slavery is a Divine institu- 
tion ; that is, that the Almighty who is infinite injustice, wisdom and goodness, and 'no respec- 
ter of persons,' did at the same time that He enacted the rules ol the Moral Law, for the gov- 
ernment of all mankind, also establish an institution, whose necessary tendency and effect was, 
yet is and ever will be, to prohibit the operation of every one of these rules, by producing their 
constant violation ; or, that He enacted a code of moral laws, witii intcntto defeat their opera- 
tion 1! And it is further contended by learned American divines, that this infinitely just, wise 
and good Being, did at the same time, that Ho utterly condemned and forbade every kind and 
degree of Human Oppression, establish the highest degrco of such Oppression known, by His 
Divine Law !!! Thus do these blasphemous eorruplionisls charge God, with folly and wicked- 
ness both ; for the necessary charge is, that He enacted moral rules, for the government of His 
innocent intelligent creatures, which He detorminod they should never have power to obey I — 
Vide Deut. xxxii 4, Job iv 17-21, Rom. ix 1 1. 

On page 19 it should have been remarked : that the names by which Slavish Oppression was 
designated in the Hebrew nation and language, were 'Hard Bondage' and 'Manstealing' ; both 
of which are described in the sacred context, as the highest species of Human Oppression, a 
crime condemned and denounced in all parts of tho Bible, with the most terrible Divine retribu- 
tion, both now and hereafter. A critical examination of the two cases, efthe sale of Joseph by 
Ins biethien and the oppressions of the Hebrews by the Egyptians, will convince every candid 
mind, that they were the very identical crime of Slavery, 'Man-stealing. ' or making properly of 
men, as now practised in the United States and other slave countries ; the punishment of which 
is death to individuals and dastruction to nations. It is the same crime (Slavery) described un- 
der other names. And if the crime itself be sufficiently described, it is immaterial by whatnames 
it is described. To illustrate the proposition by other cases, it may be stated ; that the practices 
of brandy, rum, gin and whiskey drinking are not forbidden in the Scriptures, by those names. 
But the use ofslrong drink and all drunkenness and intemperance, are strictly forbidden and de 
a-, well a? all Man stealing - ■■ Oprtrosi ion, -<* piracy j< 



125 

othei ( rimesifo which different names are given in modern limes. TUo plain spirit of the Scrij 
tures denounces every crime or sin, whether customary or not, now practiced among modern 
nations ; though frequently under different namea ; espccialhj the crime of ffuvmn Oppression, in 
every form and degree. Thoso therefore who argue the Divine authority of American Slavery, 
because it is not condemned by that name in the Scriptures, do also arguo the Divine authority 
of brandy, rutn, gin and whiskey drinking, of piracy, sodomy, beastiality, counterfeiting, s 
perjury, forgery, and a hundred other atrocious crimes passing by modem name?, besides that of 
'man-stealing,' for the same profound and honest reason III 

'Man- Stealing' could not have been any of the voluntary 'sales' of men mentioned in the Snip 
lures ; not only because these were approved by the Almighty, but because they were made by 
the persons 'bought' and 'sold' themselves, and of course, with their own consent; and proper- 
ty is never said to bo Stolen," that is tuken with the consent of the true owner. I nrguo then 
that modern Slavery is the identical crime of 'Man-Stealing or involuntary sales of men ; firstly, 
from the Nature of the crime of Stealing, which is taking without the consent of the owner, that 
which justly belongs to him, and appropriating it to the use of the thief, he knowing that he has 
no just right to such use ; secondly, from the Object of that crime, which is to use as the property 
of the thief, the thing stolen, whereas every person is, under God, his own 'property;' and 
tfdrdlij, from the case of the sale of Joseph by his brethren, which is expressly call) I Stealing, 
(vide Gen. xl 15; what none of the voluntary 'sales' are,) in the Scriptures. Other arguments 
may bo used to the same effect ; but these reasons are sufficient 'Man-Stealing' is of course 
some crime or other ; and ifitbenotthe modern prime of Slavery", it is not sufficiently described 
in the Scriptures, to enablo us to know what it Was. 

To page 25 add : that the Scriptures strongly enjoin, the attentive and critical study of tho 
Law of Nature ; vide Dent, xvi 29, Prov. ii \i-0, Mir. vi f, Phil, iv 8, IstThess. v21, and a 
multitude of other passages. 

To page 29 may be added the remark ; that tho spirit of the Scriptures not only enjoins good 
civil government, as a Divine institution, but it plainly teaches, that such government should ha 
republican, in ifoform and structure. A critical examination of the Jewish theocracy, the only 
form of civil government that God ever directly established ; unveils a beautiful system of re 
publican government, best adapted to protect the equal rights of all its subjects : especially those 
of the poor and destitute ; and the ppirit of whose provisions, (except those of tho ceremonial 
kind repealed by the dispensation of Christ,) maybe advantageously adopted into every human 
codo and constitution. The spirit ofevery other part of the Scriptures, also breathes equality of 
human rights and condition. The Law of Nature plainly intimates the same form of govern- 
ment, in a mere State ofNatpre as it is called, without any public government and laws at all, 
tho laws of Occupancy and Self Defence only prevail ; the consequenco of which is, that men 
become mere Ishmaelites towards each other, and universal anarchy, revenge, robbery, plunder 
and murder reign uncontrolled. The absolute necessity men find themselves under, of establish- 
ing civil government, in order to preserve any of their rights ; and the necessity of a lepublican 
form of government, to preserve tho whole of those lights, prove clearly, that such government 
under that form, is a ruio of the Law of Nature. Infidels as well as christians therefore, ought 
to have moro respect for that gieat Law, limn to pretend to a mere human derivation of human 
rights. 

To page 32 add the following : The Bible recognizes and asserts the existence of the natural 
• of men in the strongest manner, by denouncing and threatening in the severest 
terms, those who violate them. A critical inspection and analysis of these denunciations will 
discover, that they are all directed against infringements of the Senility, the liberty and th<- 
Property, and ofthe Relative and other just common law rights of men. The technical Ian 
guage and distinctions ofthe common law are not found in the Bible ; but these denun 
of those violations are far more frequent, minute and severe in the Bible, than the penalties of 
the common law are ; which would never have been tho case, had not those rights been inheri- 
ted by men as the gifts of their Maker, and guaranteed to them by the Divine Law. This criti- 
cal study is one ofthe most interesting and useful in the great icii nee of the true theology. 

To page 37 add ; the clearest proof that slavery is no sin ofignofance, either in the American 
church or nation is, that both instantly and clearly perceive and realise this sin, the moment any 
slavish violence or outrage is offered to white persons! In this case, all parties instantly see this 
crime, and resent it accordingly ; so much so, that they sympathise strongly with oppressed 
whites, even in foreign countries; which they would never do, were they at all ignorant of the 
sin or sinful nature of Slavery. When William Morgan was kidnapped and probably murdered, 
every body saw the crime clearly ; & raised an uproar accordingly. Nobody attempted to justi- 
fy the deed from Scripture or the constitution ; though sneli 'justification' was quite as easy, as 
that of human slavery is. And the same in the caso ofthe supposed murder of S. M. Cornel). 
Vet many ofthe reprobates who made the loudest clamour in these two cases, will attempt to 
justify the vastly worse treatment, of 2, 500, 000 of their own countrymen, as good by nature as 
Morgan and M nd'to whom God j g defending tr • 

lavement from-the J <..<••■ 



12U 

wards the slaves, is exactly similar to that of the priest and Levite, towards the wounded man nt 
the parable. And what makes this hypocrisy the more detestable is, they sympathise with the 
oppressors instead of the oppressed ; directly contrary to their own conduct in other cases, to the 
plain commands of God and the dictatos of nature. And out of hatred and scorn of their condi- 
tion, (the very circumstance that ought to enlist their sympathies on the side of the oppressed,) 
they hale the rights of the slaves ; whereas we ought always to love and respect the rights of 
men, whether we do their persons and behaviour or not. Besides, the poorest free person in 
the free states, would not exchange conditions, with the best treated slave in existence ; which 
fact, in common with many others, proves clearly, that slavery has never been any 'sin of igno- 
rance' in this country. 

To page 50 add ; it is astonishing that so many persons can bo found, who will fly into con • 
vulsions of rage, if their own rights are infringed, but will talk calmly and approvingly, of the 
utter destruction of the rights of others, and justify such destruction from the Bible, the constitu- 
tion, necessity &c ; or in other words, that will 'strain at a gnat and swallow a camel.' Per- 
haps Pharisaism both in politics and morals, never abounded more than it does at the present 
time. 

To page 52 add ; should African colonization ever be thought desirable or expedient, under 
any circumstances, it ought never to be attempted, until after complete emancipation at home. — 
The negroes can then emigrate at their own expense, (as the Europeans now do to this country,) 
without the aid of 'Societies' of any kind. All they demand of the whites is, the liberty and 
rights that God gave them. When these are restored, they will be their own judges, of the pro- 
priety or expediency of their 'colonization,' without the assistance of 'Societies.' 

On page 59 it may be remarked ; that to affect to condemn or blame any of the ordinary aboli- 
tion measures, is conduct highly blasphemous ; for all those measures are good in themselves, 
and are fully warranted by the word of God. The course pursued by the modern abolitionists, 
for the overthrow of Slavery, is God's own appointed 'course.' No person can therefore say 
that it is a wrong 'course,' without uttering blasphemy. It is charging God wiih folly ! This 
false charge is also absurd ; for if slavery is a bad institution, it ought to be destroyed ,• and if it 
is a good one, it has nothing to luar, but every thing to hope, from the 'course' of free discussion 
and moral opposition pursued by the abolitionists. 

To page G3 add the following remarks. It is now fully admitted by all the British politicians, 
that had as much been known in 1833, respecting the consequences of emancipation, as is now 
known, the 'apprenticeship' system would never have been adopted. Not a member can now 
be found in the British parliament, to defend that project, on the grounds either of justice, neces- 
sity or expediency. All are now satisfied, that it was not only a useless, but wholly a wrong 
and unjust measure. 

To page 64 add the remark ; that though it has often been pretended, even in public debate, 
that emancipated slaves would ru?i away, stroll about the country &c, like so many hrutes ; yet 
it never was stated what they would 'run away' &c.from ; no motive is ever assigned, why hu- 
man beings should thus act like brute animals. Would they 'run away' from the liberty, justice 
and humanity which they had for the first time received ? This is utterly incredible. For who 
ever before heard of persons running away from, good, kind, just treatment ! No pretender can 
alrege one true motive for such conduct. Before emancipation, in a state of the severest bondage, 
the strongest motives that can inspire men, impel the slaves to 'run away ;' after that event, all 
motives concur to induce the newly made freemen, to remain contentedly at home. 

On page 70 add 4 the wants of emancipated slaves will be much fewer than these of their 
neighbors. The comparatively few they will have, will therefore be the more easily supplied. 
ircumstance connected with the others stated on that page, will give greater probability, 
,n the truth of the bold assertion's there made. The first fair experiment, will quickly demon- 
strate the truth of those statements. 

On page 71 add. Slavery is the greatest obstacle to public improvements and economy known; 
.1 maxim fully verified, by the actual condition of our slave States. Immense tracts of worn out 
(ana's; dilapidated plantations and buildings; impoverished and licentious villages ; want of ca- 
nals, bridges, good roads ana Other public improvements, every where strike Hie rye of the trav- 
eller, standing as monuments ofthe blasting efTeets of the curse of slavery, in all parts of th.ese 
wretched states. Hence the universal comparative poverty, of their wretched inhabitants both 
bond and free. The abolition of slavery is the remedy and the only complete remedy, for all 
these evils. 

On page 7-2 add. To call negroes or other colored people who support themselves by h 
means, a 'nuisance,' .1 'curse' &c, as is habitually done by the enemies of abolition, is not only 
a direct breach of the ninth commandment, but is blasphemous language ; because it reflects dis- 
honour on the Almighty who made them. 

To page 76 add the following remarks. In truth and reality, the abolitionists do not 'inter- 
fere' with Rights at all. Custom has to be sure, made the use ofthe phrase 'Slave Rights' famil- 
iar! but in reality, every one ofthese 'Rights' is an actual 'Wrong,' crime or sin ; as was dem- 
onstrated in the First Lecture It is a gross though customary misnomer, to .,;! these ■• , 



[fri 

Usurped 'Rights' by that name. They ought always to have been called 'Slave Wrongs' 
•wrongs' therefore, and wrongs only, that (he abolitionists 'interfere' with. It in the slavehold- 
ers only, who 'interfere' with the rent 'rights' of men, to their entire destruction ; having been 
for ages, hi the customary habit of such 'interference ;' and this their custom they and their 
friends declare,4o be too 'sacred,' even for examination and criticism ! They tako away all tha 
Divine rights oflheir slaves, and then declare this 'interference' to be Just ; but ifotheia 'inter- 
fere' to vindicato and restore these plundered rights to their rightful owners, they denouni 
'interference' as unjust, even though God has commanded it!! Nothing can he clearer than this 
demonstration. The morality of the 'sacred' institution of American Slavery, in the name of 
this blasphemous pretence therefore is, that the slaveholders have a just iV saored right, to 'ml' r- 
fero' with ths. Di'. ;:ie rights of their inneccnt slaves, to their total destruction ; hut the abolition- 
ists have no such right of 'interference,' with slaveholding wrongs or sins, in order to vindicate 
and restore Divine rights, netwithstanding the Almjfhty has commanded such 'interferes 
a Divine duty III Yet thus is the 'morality' taught American democrats from their infancy ; and 
great numbers of them practice no other; no rights being with them so 'sacred' as slave 'rights.' 
Their everlasting prate, cant and swagger, about 'liberty and equal rights,' means the liberty 
and tights of while people only. In American politics, this has been the only customary meaning 
ofthoso hacknied phrases ; and such has hitherto been the genuine morality of American 'de- 
mocracy I' 

To page 83 add the following: A common apology for slavebolding, is the good treatment 
alleged to be exhibited by masters to their slaves ; just ns if it were possible lo tn at inn 
persons well, and at the same time deprive them of their liberty and r i ir 1 1 * s . Deprivation o( li- 
berty is nearly as cruel, as deprivation of life. We all feel it to bo so, in our own cases - 
and slaves feel it as much as others. Let masters therefore treat their slaves as well as they 
may, in other respects, yet the deprivation of liberty and rights alone, is the highest cruelty, u 
is impossible to enslave a human being in the ieast decree, and yet render to him 'good treat* 
ment.' No slave ever was or ever can be, 'well treated.' Besides, if slaves are 'well treated,' 
they must be sensible of it. Whence then arise the dangers of slavery and its free discussion? 
Do 'well treated' persons ever become 'excited,' by the investigation of their 'good treat- 
ment V 

To pago 104 add : that the charges of 'treason,' 'fanaticism,' &c. arc not onlv scandalous', 
but criminal charges. Those therefore who make them are morally bound to prove them ;— 
and it is" sufficient evidence of their falsity, that no such proof is ever offered. Besides, all 
these false and scandalous charges, are direct breaches of the ninth commandment. 

To page 110 annex the following paragraph. Most of the objects of political contention in 
this country, have been respecting the modes and degrees of the exercise, of some of the minor 
rights, and about their party distribution, among the white people ; or, respecting the modes, 
degrees and party distribution, of public rights and measures ; such as the Tarifi; the Hanks, 
the Public Depcsites, &c. ; all which have been deemed of the most vital importance to A- 
mcrican liberty, and worthy of the most furious party strife and sacrifice. Very few however 
ofthese great objects of party strife, seriously affect the absolute rights of the partisans, their 
relations or friends. Yet it is deemed highly patriotic, democratic and republican, to com, nd 
zealously about them at the polls. But if the vary existence, not merely of the minor righta and 
the modes of their exercise, but of the major or absolute rights, (of far more importance than 
all the rest.) of the millions of our slaves deprived of all rights whatever, be proposed to be 
vindicated at the polls, every epithet of abuse and reproach is heaped on the proposal, by men 
who lay claim, to the purest democracy and moral consistency ! That is to say, they make 
the distribution of the lesser rights of white people, a matter of far greater political impor- 
tance, than the existence of the greater rights of colored people; and then boast of being •gen- 
uine good democrats !!' The modification and disposition of a few of the inferior rights of 
white people, are with them every thing ; while the very existence of the rights and happiness 
of the coloured people, are nothing at all !!! And when tested by habitual conduct and prac- 
tice (whatever it may be in pretence and theory,) this is all there is of 'American democra- 
cy and republicanism,' about which there is such endless complacency, swagger and cant a- 
mong their professors ; the only exception to this severe reproach, being the conduct of the 
abolitionists; they only practising the equal doctrines which all profess. Political Pha 
are as despicable as religious ones. And never was the 'mint, anise and cummin 1 d< 



t28 

more shamefully exemplified, lhan by the constant habit of a!' political paiues, o/ tin 
fling at a gnat and swallowing a came!,* in democratic rep tblrcan America, 



ERRdTA. 

On page 15 line 32 from bottom, for 35, 39, read 35-39,— line 22 from bottom, for 14, 39. 
and 15, 68, read 14-39. and 15-68. On page 24 line 3d from lop, for 'slaves' read 'servants.' 
On page 72 line lOlh from top, for 'neighboring' read 'labouring. On page 104 lino 24 from 
fop, for 'or' read 'of'; and on line 25 instead of 'of by the &o.' rend 'of the &c.' There are a 
few other errata, principally in the references, which careful readers will correct for them- 
selves, 



Bequests. 



The holders of copies ol this work, are reqwjated to make their own indexes to it. This 
will be found to be a most useful exercise, to fix the various matters treated of firmly in the 
memory. 

They are also requested to procure for the Lectures, readings in public assemblies, v. he, 
thoy will be tolerated. And considering the subjects treated of. it is believed that no other 
objections will be made to such reading's, but what will operate equally against the reading of 
other arguments, intended to establish the other doctrines of the christian religion. 

For further information respecting the true nature of the Hebrew Servitudes, and the true 
meaning of those parte of the Scriptures pmvertcd to justify Slavery, the reader is specially 
referred to the pamphlet entitled 'The Bible vs. Slavery,' or, l Weld 1 a Bible Argument,'' writ tee 
by T. D. Weld. 



I R Q v*c 



